The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 304
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304
CONGRESSIONAL (jtolt.
controversies of this sort, and he would not. The
gentleman, however, had used an expression which
he believed to be, without foundation.. He took leave
to say so, and if that remark were offensive to_the
gentleman, he could, of course, seek his redress. 1 he
gentleman had spoken in. the terms which he had
stated of an institution, with which he and his con-
stituents were identified, with which he had grown
up from earliest youth, and to which the State of his
nativity attributed much that was illustrious m
her history, and ennobling in her institutions.
When the gentleman was addressing a mob, it
would be proper for him to address to them sueh
topics as were most to their taste; but he protested
that, in that hall, the slang of the hustings ought not
to be introduced.
The argument, and the whole argument, against
the retention of the rule which rejeets petitions
praying for the abolition of slavery, was based upon
the assumption that Congress has jurisdiction over
the subject. This was the ground upon which the
propriety of receiving such petitions was based. It
was conceded that, if Congress had no jurisdiction
over the subject, the righj of the citizen was not in
any way abridged by the rejection of their petitions.
But it was said that Congress possessed exclusive
jurisdiction over the subject within the District of
'Columbia; and upon that ground the arguments in
favor of the rule were unanswerable. He contended
that Congress had not only no power to abolish
slavery, but they possessed not a single function
connected with the subject that was not intended to
protect and sustain it. It was time that the South
and the North and the West should renew the stip-
ulations, in regard to this institution, which had
been so fiercely assailed. He desired to direct the
attention of gentlemen of the North—of those old
thirteen States whose stars are still seen upon the
country's banner—to this subject. At the time of
the formation of the constitution, it was a subject
which cxcited a greater contrariety of opinion than
almost any other. The South took up her position,
to which the North yielded. .
[Mr. B. here referred to several passages m the
debates in the convention upon the adoption of the
constitution.]
What was the vote of Massachusetts upon the
slave trade? Massachusetts voted in fyvor of every
proposition connected with that trade; and now the
gentleman from that State [Mr. Wintiirop] pro-
nounced the institution of slavery withm this Dis-
trict an inhuman and abominable traffic. He would
leave it to the gentleman to say whether an institu-
tion once approved by the State of Massachusetts
deserved so severe a condemnation.
Mr. W1NTHROP said he had high authority for
the use of the terms. It was the precise phraseolo-
gy made use of in the title of a bill which had been
before the House.
Mr. BURT proceeded. The clause respecting
runaway slaves was one exclusively favorable to the
southern States, under the articles of the confedera-
tion. It was well known that differences existed
upon this subject. In some of the New England
States the riglit of the owner to his slaves was not
only refused, but resisted by violence. The southern
States required that a provision should be inserted in
the constitution, in the shape of a treaty stipulation,
respecting property in slaves, providing that proper-
ty in slaves held under the laws of one State should
be recognised' and respected by the laws of all the
other States; and it was further stipulated that, it a
southern slave escaped from hts master, and fled to
any other State, he should be delivered up upon
claim being made by his owner; and it was further-
more provided that slaves should be an element of
reHeSereadQSip language of Mr- Dayy, of North
Carolina on the subject of the representation of
negro slaves, delivered in the convention on the
constitution, in which the declaration was mad?' ha
the South would not confederate with the North on
any other terms. The present rate of representa-
tion was the compromise agreed upon on that sub-
ject, the North also agreeing to surrender tugitnes
from justice, including, as was well understood
fugitives fro-,71 slavery, as offenders against the law J
of the States, and offenders agamst State laws, 11.
relation to that species of property. But those were
not the only provisior.3 of the constitution, wmeli
recognised that species of property.^ the northern
States solemnly stipulated that, lit cage of in-
surrection at the South, their militia should
march to its support; and that, if a foreign
epemy should invade the South, the jmhtia
of the North should" march to the South to
repel that enemy also. He quoted the language of
the northern deputies to the convention on this sub-
ject, and the observations of some southern depu-
■ties on the same subject; and then said, that the
North yielded to the South on that point, and the
faith of the North and the East was pledged to the
recognition of the right of property of the South
in their slaves—not only of all then imported, but
of all that might be imported thereafter to the year
1508. The North and the East_ stipulated that
slaves should be taken as merchandise; and thus the
North and the East were willing to make money by
this "inhuman" and this "abominable practice."
The North was pledged not to afford any asylum
for refugee slaves, and the South confederated with
the North on the faith of the North to respect their
rights in that species of property which constituted
their chief wealth, and in the belief that those stip-
ulations would be sacredly observed. And how had
they been observed? The State of Massachusetts
had done all that she could to defeat that clause of
the constitution in relation to runaway slaves. Ver-
mont and New York had also laws of the same
description. The South, however, was yet un-
willing to believe that those States would prove
faithless to their solemn engagements. They
regarded the 25th rule, now under consideration, as
an earnest that the North would maintain its faith.
But if the North did mean to maintain its faith, he
would ask the gentlemen of the North why they
objected to this rule; and whether they meant to en-
courage the hope of those who looked to the utter
abolition of the right to that species of property. If
they did not mean to receive these abolition peti-
tions, why did they not announce to those petition-
ers at once, that their petitions could not be re-
ceived, and thus afford no encouragement to a viola-
tion of a solemn stipulation of the constitution? It
had been represented that the abolition party at the
North was too inconsiderable in numbers, and 111
capacity for mischief, to claim the regard of the
southern States; but that party had proclaimed its
numbers to be, at the polls, more than 30,000; and
they boasted that their numbers were increasing un-
der a banner on which was inscribed the infhmous
motto of "rapine and blood."
That infamous party had also enlisted that powerful
engine—the press; they had likewise devoted the pul-
pit to the promotion of their purposes; and now they
sought to engage the greatest of all engines of revo-
lution—debates in this hall. They were clamorous
that the rules of this House should be made to con-
form to their ideas, and to bow in subserviency to
their infamous dogmas. That party told them that
their object was the abolition of slavery on earth;
and in utter want of all patriotism, they applied to
British agents to aid them to accomplish their pur-
poses. They told this House further, that if their
petitions were received, and laid on the table, they
should not be content. A gentleman from Maine had
told them that the abolitionists were not going to be
content with a mere reception of their petitions. Now,
it was time that the agitation should cease. The South
asked their friends of the North, and of the West,
not to lend themselves to the fell purposes of that
infamous party; and (that they might not encourage
those petitions) he called upon them not in any way
to entertain them. On this subject the South vhad
the right to speak. The nature of that property
was known at the adoption of the constitution, and
guaranties were required from the North; and any
entertainment of these petitions would be promotive
of insurrection m the South. The South was
not afraid to meet that horrible crisis: but, if come it
must, she asked Congress not to be the instrument of
p.ssailing that property which every department of
this government had bound itself to defend. The
gentleman from Maine [Mr. Severance] had told
the House that that class of petitions would never
cease until Congress did its duty by abolishing slave-
ry in the District, of Columbia; but he begged permis-
sion to say that, whenever that discussion was
raised in this hall, it would be the last subject that
an American Congress would ever discuss here.
The South would regard it as q. declaration of war,
and she would act accordingly. She would not al-
low that government, to wluoh she had surrendered
certain attributes of her sovereignty for the protec-
tion of this property, to be permitted in any
form to invade it. He would tell the House fur-
ther, that the gentleman who would promote this
state of things,' might not, at such a time, find securi-
ty in his own obscurity at the North from the storm
that would rage; and he trusted in God, that, if they
were to have an insurrection at the South from the
terrible agitations of the North, those who aid it
here would go to the aid of their allies in the South;
and, in the name of the South, he promised them that
not a wretch amongst them should return to tell the
story of their deeds. "*
Mr. DELLET next obtained the floor; but, as
the morning hour had nearly expired, the subject
went over.
The SPEAKER laid before the House a commu-
nication from its clerk, containing a return of the
number of clerks employed in his office in the year
1843. It was laid on the table, and ordered to be
printed. „ , ,
A Senate bill, to authorize a survey of the mouth
of Red river, and for other purposes, was read
twice, and referred to the Committee of Commerce.
The Secretary of the Senate delivered to the
House a number of bills passed by that body.
Mr. HOLMES, from the Committee of Com-
merce, by lea re, reported bills with the following
titles: ;
A bill for the relief of Elliott Smith' and Nathan
Farnsworth.
A bill making appropriations to repair the custom-
house at Charleston.
They were read twice, and committed.
INDIAN APPROPRIATION BILL.
On the motion of Mr. McKAY, the House re-
solved itself into Committee of the Whole on
the state of the Union, [Mr. Campbei.l, of South
Carolina, in the chair,] and resumed the considera-
tion of "A bill making appropriations for the cur-
rent and contingent expenses of the Indian depart-
ment, and for fulfilling treaty stipulations with the
various Indian tribes, for the fiscal year commencing
on the first day of July, 1844, and ending on the
30th day of June, 1845."
Several items were discussed briefly, by Mr.
GIDDINGS, Mr. McKAY, Mr. DROMGOOLE,
Mr. LEVY, and Mr. DICKEY.
The bill was then kid aside, to be reported to the
House.
PENSION BILL.
On the motion of Mr. McKAY, the Committee
next took up the bill making appropriations for the
payment of revolutionary and other pensioners of
the United States, for the fiscal year ending on the
30th day of June, 1845.
Some brief debate occurred, in which Messrs. C.
JOHNSON, DICKEY, McKAY, SEYMOUR of
New York, BRINKERHOFF, ADAMS, J. R.
INGERSOLL, HOLMES, HARDIN, DANA,
BELSER, WINTHROP, and others, took part.
It was mainly on a proposition to introduce a pro-
viso to prevent officers of the army or the navy
receiving a pension, while receiving pay as such
officers, whose pay was said to be much greater
that that of judges or State officers.
The committee rose without disposing of the bill,
and reported progress. It also reported the Indian
appropriation bill, with an amendment, which was
concurred in; and the bill was read a third time and
A motion, made by Mr. HUNT, to adjourn
over Washington's birth-day, was laid on the
table.
The House then adjourned.
The following notices of petitions presented to-
day, were handed to the reporters by the mem-
bers presenting them:
By Mr. BIDLACK: The memorial of 23 mem-
bers of the Luzerne county bar, asking that Lu-
zerne couuty may be attached to the eastern judi-
cial district for United States courts. The petition
of citizens of Columbia county, for a reduction of
postage. The petition of citizens of Wyoming
county for the establishment of a post route from
Bowman's creek to Tunkhannock, in said county.
The petition of citizens of Pennsylvania engaged^ m
the coal business, for a change in the law in relation
to coasting licenses.
By Mr. ROBINSON: The petition of 103 citi-
zens of Hamilton, New York, praying for a reduc-
tion of postage, and for an abolishment of the frank-
ing privilege. The petition of citizens in the to-n#
of Lenox, Madison county, New York, for the es-
tablishment of a post route from Wampsville to
Siloam.
By Mr. W. DAVIS: The petition of Charles W.
Short, and 19 other citizens of Lawrence county,
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2367/m1/328/: accessed April 27, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.