The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 307
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congressional globe.
sot
did so only in name, for in fact Great Britain held
exclusively.
In 1810, a citizen of New York, named Astor, es-
tablished a fur-trading depot at the mouth of the
Columbia river; and from that time up to 1813 ex-
tended his business, by the erection of similar de-
pots through the country; but war breaking out, he
was obliged tp leave, and on return of peace found
them, as a matter of course, broken up. In 1818, the
Northwestern and Hudson Bay company had ex-
tended their influence, by the erection of forts on
each side of the river; and, from their immense Eng-
lish capital, the influence that such capital and forts
gave them over the Indian tribes, and the advantages
they derived from importing all articles necessa-
ry for carrying on their operations, they banished
American competition, and placed the territory, not
in the joint, but in the sole occupation of Great
Britain. To prove this fact, it was only necessary
to say that the American fur trade, which in 1818
was a source of wealth and competence -to many,
was in 1842 reduced to $2,000. He denied that the
proposer of the resolution, or those acting with him,
intended the slightest discourtesy to England, or her
special minister, sent here for a special purpose; nor
did he suppose that England or her minister would
view the passing this resolution in such light; but if
they did, it could not be-helped. From experience,
he was led to suppose that, in any negotiation with
England, this country had much to lose, and nought
to gain; and a resort to arms should, in his opinion,
be the last resort. Neither did he think there was
much weight to be given to the arguments of those
who seemed so much to dread it.
This resolution was introduced before anything
was heard of a special minister with powers to set-
tle the question; and all they knew about the matter
was what they heard from the chairman of Foreign
Relations; who, in telling them of this special min-
ister, did not say where he derived his own infor-
mation from. The President of the United States
refused, during the last session, to give informatisn
on this subject, called for by the Senate, on the
ground that there was a negotiation pending or
about to commence; and again, in his message on
the opening of this session, he-alludes to the subject
in the same way; so that the Senate is left with-
out light to act further than the unofficial statement
of the chairman of Foreign Relations, and the indis-
tinct references of the President to the subject—
references which led him (Mr. A.) to suppose that
the President was himself in a state of uncertainty
as to whether any negotiation was or would be on
the matter.
This question had been a subject of discussion for
the last thirty years; but whenever brought up, it
was met with a cry that any action would be a
violation of agreement-—or a negotiation was pend-
ing—or the territory was not worth contending for—
or it covered too great an extent of territory for us
to populate or legislate for: but all these were idle
pretexts, which would not satisfy the people. The
great mass of American people are as yet patriotic;
they are as yet uncorrupted; with American hearts
uncontammated with the leprosy of dollars and
cents; and with a spirit paramount in their bosoms
for the advancement of national honor and glory.
He had resided, from the time he could call him-
self a man, among the people of the far West. He
knew their feelings, and could vouch for their pat-
riotism; and while the Maine boundary question
was pending, their feelings of anxiety could not be
greater if the dismemberment of the Union was
threatened; nor could anything exceed their in-
dignation when they heard the result. As to the
arguments used on the other side—of want of cour-
tesy to the British government—too great extent of
territory, he gave no weight to them; and as to an
inclination to" plunge the country into an uncalled-
for war, he maintained that we did not go so far
as Great Britain herself.
Mr. A. here read an extract from a British act of
Parliament, which gave power to arrest on civil and
criminal process over the whole Oregon territory,
and as far east as the frontiers of Missouri and Ar-
kansas. By this law, an American citizen, for an
alleged crime against British laws, may be ar-
rested in this (so-called territory of joint occu-
pation, and carried ironed into Canada, if the cume
is supposed to merit death oi tianspoitation, and
there punished. Was this, he asked, not going
further towards war, than anything done oi said on
this side^
Any notice from America to erect a fort or mili-
tary post for the protection of her traders, is met by
One from England that she will do the same. All that
was asked, was a fair construction of the law; but not
such construction as England, for her own interest,
may think fit to make.
All we ask (said Mr. A.) is action on the part of
government to assure our citizens that, if they, emi-
grate, they shall not be negotiated away; that'they
shall not be made, against their inclinations, British
subjects. This resolution, if passed, will be a suf-
ficient guaranty. Pass it, and the people of the
West alone will take possession, and from one un-
broken column, from the Rocky mountains to the
Mississippi. Let government take but a single step,
and the people will do the rest; and if by doing so
we earn the wrath of England, why let it come,
even in its most hideous, horrible, and destructive
form. - But let England take care, that, while war-
ring for a remote corner of territory, she will
not lose her foothold on this continent, to-
gether with all the islands she holds in its
neighborhood. If we are to have war, let it be
with England, our ancient and implacable ene-
my. But our object is not to bring on war; it
is to occupy the land we are entitled to; and if war
follows our doing so, why, let it come. Before we
yield an inch by negotiation, let our common country
sink—let all be lost. Political negotiation was only
throwing dust in the eyes of the people; but it would
serve to blind them no longer. If we want to avoid
war, let a territorial government be appointed, and
proper agents, fully authorized, sent out for the pro-
tection of our citizens from the dangers that must
arise from their collision with a foreign and unfriend-
ly people. Let that be done before the first drop of
blood is shed, and peace may be preserved; but de-
lay it longer, and war is inevitable.
Mr. CHOATE addressed the Senate for an hour
and a half in reply. He was in favor of the motion
to refer the resolution to the Committee on Foreign
Relations. It was a subject of great delicacy, and
required all the examination and consideration
which would be there given to it previous to the
decision of the Senate. It was a question with re-
gard to which the slightest mistake might involve
not only the amicable relations of this country and
Great Britain, but, in its results, might affect the
whole world.
It seemed to him that it was perfectly plain, on
the face of the resolution itself, that it was not in
that form which could be considered unobjectiona-
ble, even if the time and occasion warranted its
adoption. It was not a joint resolution, requiring
the sanction of both Houses of Congress, but a
specific resolution of the Senate, putting forward a
senatorial requisition. However, for the sake of
argument, supposing it was not objectionable on
that ground, did it not propose to change the for-
eign relations of this country with one of the most
powerful nations of the world? and was it not
proper, on such an occasion, to have the concur-
rence and advice of the entire legislative body of
the country? He concurred in all that had been
said, on a former day, by the senators from Vir-
ginia and Kentucky, [Messrs. Archer and More-
head,] as to the indiscretion of adopting such a res-
olution pending a negotiation on the very subject
invited by our own government.
It might be said by the gentlemen who advocated
the resolution, that their minds were made up; tha
negotiation could only prejudice our undoubted
right; and that their object was to throw obstacles in
the way of any negotiation. But he was rejoiced to
find, by the very eloquent remarks of the senator
from Missouri, [Mr. Atchison,] who had just ad-
dressed the Senate, that he had not taken that
ground; but that his great anxiety was to secure our
rio'ht from the 42d parallel of north latitude, to the
54th parallel, which every American citizen con-
curs, our claim, of right, extends lo. But now
that all other subject of difficulty with Great But-
ain are adjusted, And a negotiation is afoot to settle
this, it did seem to him at least prudent to wo it
and give a reasonable time for its adjustment. H.e
had no apprehension that^in this negotiation, oui
government would give up one iota of its claim oi
rio-hf to the full territory from 42® to 54 40'; but if
ample and satisfactory equivalents were ottered,
eminently advantageous to this country, would it not
be well to have time to consider the subject, and
decide upon it with a full knowledge of the impor-
tance of the adjustment which conld be made.
When a difficulty exists which may, by an impru-
dent step on either side, lead to war, every wise and
prudent man must desire a treaty to adjust thatrtim-
culty, and would gladly go into a negotiation having
for its object an amicable arrangement. And if such
a treaty were actually on foot, would not every wise
and prudent man, rather than risk a ten-thousandth
part of its chance of success, defer any unnecessary
action that might thwart it'
Now, with regard to the propriety or necessity of
this resolution at all, he confessed he did not very
clearly see his way at present. The convention
which it proposes to abrogate, has existed now some
six and twenty years; and having waited so long
without any prejudice to our title, why was it sup-
posed we could not wait at least six months longer,
to see what was likely to be the result of the nego-
tiation now pending? The passing of such a resolu-
tion could have no good effect, and could hardly fail
of having an injurious effect. Sagacious and expe-
rienced diplomatists, meeting in negotiation, know
that the object they have in view was to supersede
the necessity for such notice from either side, and
would act accordingly. But pass this resolution,
and you are not at liberty, when the twelve months
expires, to take any other stand than that of hostili-
ty; for it declares your meaning to be, that
you will then assert your right to the whole
territory by force, if necessary. Now he could
very well imagine, without any such resolution,
that it might be expedient and proper for one
negotiator to say to the other, I know the tem-
per of our people so well that I can safely
say, if we do not adjust this matter, they will
assert their right to the whole territory by force.
There could be no discourtesy in that, by way of ar-
gument. But to meet him by a legislative declaration
to that effect, would be a sure means of provoking
resistance, and breaking off all negotiation. He did
not know but it might be argued that, if a war re-
sulted from such a declaration, it would not be with-
out its benefits, as the home industry of the country
would be stimulated, and the mechanics and manu-
facturers of the North would then have a fan- oppor-
tunity of convincing gentlemen of South Carolina
and Alabama, that they could make a market for
their productions at home, as good as the foreign
market. But the calamities of war to a whole peo-
ple so far outweighed all the incidental advantages
which individuals could glean from it, that they
could not but be shunned at any sacrifice less than:
that of honor.
We had invited this negotiation. What would
be thought of us if we were to' meet the English
minister sent to treat with us, with such a resolu-
tion as this on his coming through the ice at New
York to land upon our shores? Should we make
such a communication in advance of any negotia-
tion, what could be its effect on a sensitive' and
proud mind, but that of prejudice to our cause?
What would be our feelings in his place? The
same blood courses in the veins of the mother and
the daughter; that which stirs up the pride and re
sentment of the one, would have the same effect
upon the other. We can then easily judge, from
examining our own hearts, what would be the ef-
fect. What, he asked, would be the state of
things at the end of twelve months, should
this notice be given? There would then be
no existing convention. It would be understood by
all British subjects in Oregon that we contemplated
taking forcible possession of the Territory. Amer-
ican citizens there would conceive their right assert-
ed by this government. Jealousies and disputes
must immediately arise; and the first drop of blood
shed on either side would be a declaration of war.
"Were we prepared beforehand for that event in that
quarter? Was there not the greatest probability that
Great Britain would take the notice in the way in
which it was meant, and, during the twelve month's,
prepare for the consequences? She could secure the
mouth of the Columbia with ten guns from the
Sandwich Islands. Her arrangements for the event
would all be in advance, and ours only to begin.
He denied that England had ever shown a settled
purpose, or any purpose, to make ail agncultuial
colonization in the Oregon territory. Her solicitude
was entirely for the interests of her Hudson Bay
company; and those interests extended not beyond
those of hunting and trading for furs. The Hudson
Bay company was not in the territory on a claim of
right, but on leave—the leave of joint occupation;
and that could not in the least invalidate our title. It
was so considered by Mr. Albert Gallatin. Now,
even the Hudson Bay company had no powers from
England, in its charter, to make any colonization set-
tlements in the territory; and if some agents belong-
ing to it had taken up and cultivated small gardeu
spotf or farms, it was evidently subject to the con-
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2367/m1/331/: accessed April 28, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.