The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 294
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294
CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
duty of only five per cent.; and his sympathy seemed
particularly directed in this respect to the farmers of
Vermont—advocating a protective duty 011 their
I&r. WOODBURY Kere interposed, to say that
he never had recommended a duty even for their
protection, beyond the necessary duty for revenue.
Mr. PHELPS continued. There was some diffi-
culty in finding out what the revenue standard was,
in levying duties. It can only be known by what
the interests of the country demand. With respect
to wool, the duty should be such as would protect
both the wool-grower and wool-manufacturer from
foreign competition. It was not true that, by the
act of 1842, the interests of the wool-growers of
Vermont had been sacrificed to the interests of the
manufacturers of wool in Massachusetts, or any
other State. The measure of protection was equally
dealt out to both. By adding the "protection afford-
ed by the ad valorem duty and that of the specific
duty,.it would be found that the protection to both
the grower and the manufacturer was 40 per cent.—
the raw material being considered only half the
value of the fabric made from it.
It was in vain to attempt persuading the agricul-
turists that this act of 1842 was that monster of in-
justice towards them which it had been held up to
be; because the agriculturists understood their own
interests better than to believe any such thing.
They would see that if the protective policy was
abandoned, and the raw materials of this country
were sent to England to be manufactured, they
would then have to come into competition with the
same sort of products from every country in Eu-
rope and the Levant. Such a competition would
leave the agriculturists of this country very soon
without a market at all.
To abandon the protective policy, would be to
condemn New England, which had contributed
so largely to the national prosperity, to become a
desert waste, and to force its inhabitants to emigrate
to the far West—like the aborigines, forsaking their
ancient homes, their habits, their peculiar pur-
suits, and their distinguishing thrift, economy, and
well-earned competence. And here the pretence, if
not prediction, of the Senator from South Carolinia
was called up to memory, of the effects which the
abolition of the tariff policy would have on New
England. It represented in the future, the scene
which would be presented to the eye of a stranger
visiting this country, after an absence of ten years,
and finding such prosperity in the South as should
make him exclaim, "What angel of beneficence had
brought clown the blessings he witnessed?" but, on
visiting New England, he would exclaim, "What
demon of wrath had inflicted the misery which sur-
rounded him?" If such, then, were to be the con-
sequences of abandoning the protective system, that
mode of recommending it could not surely be ex-
pected by the senator to be calculated to enlist his
(Mr. P.'s) co-operation. It was calculated to
have the direct opposite effect—to make him
and every tiue friend of that policy adhere the moic
enaciously to its salutary principles. If the senator
persists m his idea that, if this policy is not abandoned,
a dissolution of the Union will be inevitable, he (Mr.
P.) was ready to say, that sooner than see his pie-
dictioii fulfilled with regard to the condition winch
New England would be reduced to by the aban-
donment of the protective policy, let the dissolu-
tion of the Union come. But he had 110 fears of
either the one or the other. The protective system
never could be abandoned by this Country; and the
dissolution of the Union was, in his opinion, a
moral impossibility.
As to tne idea of the senator from New Hamp-
shire, that the people of this country paid thice mil-
lions a year for the piotcction of the sugar in-
terest of the South; or, to take the senator's
proposition in its fullest extent, that by the
protective system in its general opciation, sixteen
millions a year were taken from the pockets of the
agriculturists to be put into the pockets of those
classes protected, he (Mr. P.) would say, well, what
if it is so? The people of this country have to pay
this sixteen millions somewhere. They must pay
it either here or abroad. If abroad, it is for for-
eign labor; and in support of the governments of
foreign countries. If here, it is for home labor, and
in support of their own government. This sixteen
millions is necessary to sustain the government.
How would it benefit the people of this country to
have free trade, and first pay their sixteen millions
to foreign countries for their labor, and in support of
their governments, and then to have to pay sixteen
millions more in the shape of direct taxes for the sup-
port oftheir own government. For, ifthere is free trade, ,
direct taxes must be resorted to for the support of the
government. If true that the people pay three cents'
a pound more for their sugar than they could get it
for in exchange from foreign countries, the question
arises, whether it is more onerous to pay that three
cents for the protection which gives ability to sup-
ply revenue for the support of government, than to
pay it in some other shape, such as direct taxation?
Another idea of the senator was, that. 40 per cent,
duty on imports was the same as 40 per cent, duty
on the export staples given in exchange for imports.
He says, let the produce of this country find a
market in Great Britain, where we can get either
exchangeable commodities or money for them. But
did not the senator leave out of view the fact that,
although this country might agree to do all this,
Great Britain would not abandon her protective pol-
icy. She would levy her duty of from 50 to 60 per
cent, on our exports; and would it not, in the end,
be better if our producers had consented to pay only
30 or 40 per cent for protection to their own domes-
tic labor?
Much had been said about making laws for the
rich, at the expense of the poor. Congress knew
no such distinctions in legislation. There were
none of these great distinctions of the rich and the
poor in this country. While wealth was moderately
diffused on the one hand, there was no such thing as
indigence or destitution to be found on the other.
He denied that there ever was extreme or long-
continued destitution in this country. The language
of "laws for the rich—not for the poor," never
could apply to this country. And nothing could
evince more the wisdom of this very policy of pro-
tection than the existence of the fact that it had
spread such universal prosperity over the country,
•and tended so to diffuse the fruits of industry that,
while there were no overgrown fortunes to be met
with, in a general sense, there was no poverty; for
labor was insured its reward, and competence was
within the reach of all.
There is not a people on the face of the earth
whose condition indicates a gieater prosperity than
that of the people of New England. They have
preserved their eaily habits of thrift, industry, econ-
omy, sobriety of conduct, and love of comfort and
competence. Was it to be expected that they ever
could consent to jeopard this happy condition, for
the sake of trying n mere experiment of some theory
of free-trade, which had recently got hold of the
minds of some gentlemen in the South, the result of
which might well be doubted, even as regards the
interests of the South itself? The protective policy
was a policy adopted by every civilized country.
There was no such thing in the woild as a free-trade
system. It is) a theory existing merely in books,
and drawn from them by thcoiists. If this country
did not legulate its own policy and trade, other
countries would regulate theirs so as to profit at our
expense. To us belonged the duty of protecting our
own interests, leaving it to foreign nations to do as
they thought fit in relation to their own.
We had tried an approximation to tree trade in
the compromise act of 1833. What was the result
of the reduction of duties towards even twenty per
cent? Disasters which were falsely attributed to a
deranged currency, which was the effect of the
abandonment of tile piutcctiye policy.
Mr. P. entered upon a review of the condition of
the countiy m 1836 and 1837; the overtrading in
cotton; the loss suffered by the speculations of the
United States bank in cotton, &c. &c., and in con-
clusion, said that he regietted that the senator from
South Carolina had thought it necessary to declare
that if Congress did not abandon this protective
system, he should give up all hope of aveiting evils
which he could not anticipate without indescriba-
ble feelings; and that ho should, therefore, shake the
dust from his feet, and leave these halls forever.
He (Mr. P.) hoped the senatoi would reconsidcr
that resolution; Tor he (Mr. P.) had too much faith
in the senatoi's devotion to the country and the
Union to believe that he would withhold his advice
and experience from the national councils, simply
on the ground that his peculiar views could not be
carried out. He (Mr. P.) trusted to seeing the sen-
ator lnng unite with him and every other patriot
m the body to which he belonged, in promoting the
best interests of the country. He trusted they would
not shake the dust from their feet to abandon the halls
of Congress till they shook them in "shuffling off this
mortal coil," which is the condition of humanity it-
self. When that event should come, he hoped they
would both leave their dying injunctions to their
children to stand by the constitution as they had
done, and that their last prayers would be that this
glorious Union may endure forever.
Mr. EVANS rose to move that the subject be
laid on the table, to be taken up whenever any other
gentleman was ready to continue the debate.
Mr. McDUFFIE observed that, if no other sena-
tor felt disposed to continue the debate this week,
he would wish the subject to be postponed till Mon-
day next, as the senator from Missouri (Mr. Bfn-
ton] was desirous to express his views upon it
Mr. EVANS remarked that he would call it up
at the request of any gentleman wishing to contiue
the debate, whenever it was desired.
On motion of Mr. EVANS the subject was ac-
cording laid on the table.
The Senate then adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, February 19, 1844.
The journal of Saturday was read and approved.
PETITION DAY.
The SPEAKER announced the business first in
order to be the call of the States for petitions.
Petitions were presented from the State of Massa-
chusetts by INJessrs. ADAMS, WINTHROP,
GRINNELL, PARMENTER, and KING; some
of which falling within the 25th rule, were not re-
ceived.
Mr. ADAMS presented the following:
To the House of Representatives of the United States:
We, the undersigned, being of Western Pennsyl-
vania and Ohio, and having, with deep anxiety and
painful emotions, observed the distraction and alien-
ation which is so alarmingly prevalent throughout
the greater part of our beloved country—especially
among the representatives of the people, who are so
exceedingly broken in judgment that the affairs of the
nation cannot be conducted so as to sustain its dig-
nity and promote its best interests; and being fully
convinced that the neglect to recognise the law of
God as the basis of all human legislation, is the font-
al source of these evils—the legitimate, yet bitter
fruits, growing out of this radical defect in the instru-
ment which lies at the foundation of this republic,
and is regarded as "the supreme law of the land;"
and that God, in His providence, is causing "times"
to pass over us, to let this nation know "that the
Most High ruleth in the kingdoms of men," (Dan.
vi, 25, 26,) and "that all people, nations, and lan-
guages should serve him," (Dan. vii, 14.)
We therefore pray you, as their representatives,
to recommend to the people of these United States an
alteration of the constitution, embracing the follow-
ing amendments:
1. A clear and explicit acknowledgment of the
Sovereign of the Universe, as the God of this nation.
2. An entire and avowed submission to the Loid
Jesus Christ, His anointed, (Psalms li. 7,) who is
prince of the kings of the eaith, (Rev. i. 5,) the
head of all principalities and powers, (Col. ii. 10,) as
the ruler of his nation.
3. An unreserved reception of His revealed will,
contained in the Scriptuies of the Old and New Tes-
taments, as the law paramount, by which all the
affairs of this republic shall be regulated; all con-
flicting State laws being regarded as perfectly null
and void. (Psalm ii. 10,12.) "Be wise now, there-
fore, Oh ye kings." Also, (Psalms xix. 7, 11,)
"The law of the Lord is perfect," &c.
We also most earne&tly and solemnly entreat
you, as you regard your own and the best interests
of the nation, that you rescind at once, and forever,
all enactments wheieby a violation of God's law ii;
authorized; whether by running the mail stage on
His Sabbath, or otherwise; for "righteousness ex-
altcth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people."
(Prov. xiv. 34.) See also Psalms xciv. 20,) wheic
the divine pleasure is expressed; and Psalms ix.
17, where nations that forget God are devoted to
destruction. Also Jcr. v. 9, where God has de-
nounced his dread vengeance upon all the nations
that do not serve and obey him; and in Rev. xix.
11, 21, the sentence is represented as being exe-
cuted; the battle decisive; the overthrow entire and
complete.
With these, and many other portions of iii falli-
ble truth before us; and also a knowledge of the
many and grievous sins with which this nation is
chargable in the sight of God—it is our deliberate
judgment, that nothing but national repentance, and
a thorough reformation in both constitution and ad-
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2367/m1/318/: accessed April 27, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.