The Crisis! (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 2, Ed. 1 Wednesday, August 1, 1860 Page: 2 of 4
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«AI.VESTON, AUGUST I, I860.
Tin <'iini])aigii in Iowa.
Speech of fien. Lane,
ik the united states senate, dec. 19, 1859.
One of tlii' oldest awl most influential citizens of
Dubuque, Iowa, writes us on the 13th ult., enclosing
a report of the proceedings of a large and enthusiastic
meeiiug- there tm trvr- Ttir til t. "for the ratification of
the nomination of Breckinridge and Lane. Charles
Conker y, Esq.. presided, ut the unanimous request of
the assembly.
The meeting was addressed by lion. Jas. II. Will-
iam*, who in forcible style pointed out the progress of
the '' baneful influence " of Douglas in disorganizing
the Democratic party and preventing the harmonizing
of the conflicting elements. He insisted thut Douglas
would not have received even :i minority vote at Bal-
timore but for the corruption and glaring injustice
practiced by his partisans. He displayed the absur-
dities of "Squatter Sovereignty" in glowing colors,
and showed the bold deception that is visible on the
face of the Douglas platform. Theory, "abide by the
decision of the Supreme Court," was hollow and de-
ceitful, designed to swindle the South, and made a
party, who, in the North, declare that the right of a
Territorial Legislature to exclude slave property is
perfect, and complete, no matter how often the Supreme
Court may decido the question.
Mr. Williams said further:
A party holding this doctrine has the unblushing
audacity to put in their platform a resolution binding
themselves to submit to the decision of the Court, which
decisión nevertheless they say amounts to nothing.
Hypocrisy and audacity can go no further.
The Douglas party profess to stand upon principle,
and yet they nominated Fitzpatrick, a Lecomptom
Democrat, who a few days before voted for the co-called
Slave Code platform of Jeff. Davis ; voted to degrade
Douglas from his position as chairman of the Commit-
tee oh Territories : voted against the Homestead bill,
and sustained the President's veto of that measure.
They were thus willing to cater away principle for a
bare hope of success.
Although this party was willing to satfefy itself and
ignore all its principles for the purpose Jof conciliat-
ing the South. Gov. Fitzpatrick was possessed of]
too much honor to permit lüinsclf
managers were compelled still to go South, and they'
Actually selected for their candidate for the Vice Presi-
dency a man of notorious disunion, pro-slavery, States
Rights, anti Douglas views. That man has turned a
•eomplete political somersault, to catch at an honor that
will never be his, leaving him to the pangs of remorse
at having sought to betray the South and forsworn
his own openly proclaimed principles.
Mr. Williams was frequently and hearty applauded,
and Ids address was followed by those of other emin-
ent speakers, which expressed the determination of
tho Democracy of Iowa to struggle to the last for the
nation lan l constitutional principles embodied in the
Breckinridge and Lane platform.
The resolutions presented by the committee appointed
for tint purpose, reaffirm the Charleston Majority
Platl'oi i ; and explain, elaborately and emphatically,
the just, constitutional views contained therein, as sus-
tained by the decision of the United States Supreme
Court, and to be adhered to by the Democracy of
Iowa, as the chart of the National Democratic party.
The i evolutions were adopted— nominations unani-
mously ratified ; and an executive committee appoint-
ed, to, call a State Convention at Iowa City 011 the 22d
August, where measures to carry on the campaign
with vigor and harmony, will be adopted
The South has yet many and strong friends in the
North, whom neither abolitionism nor Douglasism can
corrupt or mislead.
——
£n the Field.—We are glad to see that Col. John
A. Wharton made his opening speech in the Presiden
tial canvass at Quitman. It is to be hoped that M. D.
Graham, T. N. Waul, and A. T. Rainey, have also en
tercd the canvass. The masses arc evidently looking-
for their forthcoming lists of appointments.
At 110 time has a more general good feeling prevail-
ed, or a higher patriotism been manifested. Thous-
ands of the Opposition will fight side by side with us
like gallant soldiers, and when the merits of the pres-
ent issues shall be properly discussed on the stump,
thousands more will join us cheerfully, and with hearts
overflovring with a deep and abiding love of country.
—Stale Gazette.
[Gen. Waul and Mr. Rainey are out and at work.—
Eds. Mews.]
I hold that the territory the country is the com-
mon property of the whole country; that the people of
every State of this Union have equal rights in the
Territories; and that while they remain in a territori-
al condition, the inhabitants cannot, by unfriendly leg-
islation or by a system of unequal taxation, debar the . . , ,. .
people of any State from admissiontliere ; or,inotlier territorial coiimtion^ a- i^v ^ „
i - -J . . . i. . tors and others, talk of the value oí the
it, and which an hoaest court would give if, and the-
common law of the country secures to it.
Mr. President, it is not my purpose to discuss this
Territorial question. I am tired of it; the country is
tired of it; and I hope that the discussion of it will
anAii i An«o * lmt i< is sn in mv iudement.
words, that they cannot by legislation infringe on the
rights of the people of any State. But let me give an
illustration ; I hope the Senate will allow me to make
a case.
Application has been made to Congress during the
last two or three years for the organization of a Ter-
ritorial government in Arizona. Arizona is in tho
southern portion of our country. The climate is warm;
the soil is adapted to the production of cotton ; it is
rich in mineral resources. I have no doubt that slave ¡
labor could be used to good advantage in Arizona. I i
believe it could be profitably used there for tho pro-
duction of cotton. I saw the cotton fields on the Gila
in the winter of 1848 ; I picked the cotton out of the
bolls, examined its quality and texture, and found it
to be fine. Cotton can be grown and produced there
in abundance. Besides in cotton, slave labor could
be used profitably in the mines of that region, and im
agricultural pursuits. That being the case, represent-
ing, as I do, a Northern State, elected by the Demo-
cracy of a Northern State, I could not for one moment
consent that the people of the South should rush out
there as soon as a Territorial government was organi-
zed, get possession of the Legislature, and by a system'
of unfriendly legislation or unequal taxation, under-
take to keep the people of tho North out of that Ter-
ritory.
We would not submit to it at all; wo would say at
once they have 110 right to pass such laws ; and I be-
lieve any honest court, such a one as would be sent to>
that Territory, would decide such enactments invalid,
as violating that principle of equality of States upon
which this government must rest. The principle of
equality of States must be maintained. Their equal
rights in the Territories are so clear to my mind that I
cannot imagine how any gentleman can gainsay it.
The territory is the common property of all the States,
and I am sure-the Northern people would not submit
to any such system of taxation, or any such legislation
in a territory as would exclude them. The Northern
Democracy are just; and, while they would' not sub-
mit to that course of policy on the part of the South,
they would not attempt t exclude the South by a
system to whiqli they not submit themselves.
)hio, in response to
that the right was
taUristrttr*
say that I do not
a right to ex-
No such right
derstoodUhe Seni
atoL
bp
slavery.
Well, Mr. President, I del
believe the people of a Territor,
elude, or establish, or abolish slav<?
is conferred on them by the Constitution. I recognise
the principle of the equality of the States—tbeir equal
right in the Territories. Any man has a right in the
Territories. Any man has a right to go from any
State of the Union into the common Territories of
this Government, and take with him what is recogni-
zed as property in the State from whence lie goes, and
to hold it in the Territory while the Territorial condi-
tion remains ; and when the people of the Territory
come to form a State government, they have a right to-
say whether the State shajl be slaveholding or non-
slavcholding; and as they •decide, it is the duty of
Congress to admit them. But I hold that the peopl'e
of a Territory have not a right to prohibit slavery,
and I would not agree that they have the right to es-
tablish it; because the Territory is the common prop-
erty of all the States of this Union, and every afian,
as I said before, has a right to go there, and take with
him his property, and enjoy that property, while the
Territorial condition exists ; and if the Legislature of
a Territory shall undertake, by legislation, to bar the
interests or the rights of any portion of the Union, I
believe any honest court will decide such legislation to
be null and void, because it is in eoniiict with the Con-
stitution of the United States. I know riy friend
will say that from that court there is an appeal
to the Supreme Court of the United States. With the
decision of the Supreme Court the Democracy of the
North will be willing to rest.
Mr. Pugh. Did I understand the Senator to say j
that a Territorial Legislature had not a right to es- ¡
tablish slavery any more than to prohibit it ? I heard I
him imperfectly at this distance, and I want to know j
if that is his proposition.
Mr. Lane. My proposition is that Congress has 110
power over the question of slavery ; that they cannot,;
under the Constitution, establish it in a Territory, or|
prohibit it; and that a Legislative Assembly in a Ter- J
ritory deriving its powers from Congress, cannot do
what Congress itself cannot do.
Mr. Pugh. Then you hold that a Territorial Legis- Í
latuc has no power to establish slavery ?
Mr. Lane. No power to establish it, and 110 power ,
to prohibit it; but that property goes there like all i
ftlier property, 011 an equal footing with other property,
and while the Territory is in a territorial condition it
has the protection which the Constitution extends to
soon cease r but it is so essential in my judgment,
that justice and right prevail that I feel it my duty to
give my views in relation to the rights of all the States
of this country in a Territory, while it remains in a
I liave heard goiitlciiieih-Sena-—
Union and
their devotion to it. No man loves it more than I do,
and 110 one would make greater sacrifices to maintain
and preserve this Union. I would do it at the mo-
ment when the country requires it. at the expense of
every drop of blood: but, to maintain that Union, the
Constitution must be maintained in its spirit, in its
letter, and its meaning. The principles of justice and
equality must prevail in this country or there oan be
no Union. Sir, as much as I love this Union, as much
as I am devoted to it—and no one is inore so than my-
self—I would not ask to have this Union maintained
i by the violation of the Constitution itself.
If the Northern States of this Confederacy, could
not have equal rights with the Southern States-in the
Territories, and equal justice under all circumstances,,
would tliey remain in the Union? If we want to pre-
serve it, let us be just, do right, deal fairly by every
portion of this country, and not hold that the Terri-
tory belongs to the North, to free labor, or to the
South, to slave labor ; for it is not so. It belongs
equally to all -r all of them have an^equal right in. it v
and I would submit to no wrong from the South.. Be-
ing a Northern man, I would submit to nothing that
infringed the rights of the Northern States in the Ter-
ritories of this Union. No man would be more'prompt
to resent a wrong, an insult, or an indignity, or in-
justice attempted to be perpetrated on the Northern
States by the South, than myself; and while!; would
submit to no wrong from that quarter, I would, ask
them to- submit to none from us.
I intend to be just by all ; to deal rightly* -with- the
whole country ; to know no section but the. Constitu-
tion and the Union.; to carry out its provisions and
its guarantees, and: the rights which are secured by it
to the States of this confederacy. I do not sea how
any man that loves the Union and the Constitution
can discriminate between the sections of this country,
and pretend to say that the common territory of all
shall be given exclusively to free labor 0? slave labor.. -
The citizens of the States have equal* rights in the-
Territory while it remains in the territorialicondition;
and when the people who inhabit it come toform. a
State (Constitution, then it is their right ta prohibit,
slavery or establish it, as' they see fit, and ¡they have a.
right to be admitted into the Union as they shall decide..
— I will bwti lato ««y-ffeat; *that this-question,
was made in 0as late election in Oregon, and I took
an active interestin.it; and it required.the-labor of
sound; Democrats there to secure the election of a re-
liable national man to represent that- State in this
Congress. The question was plainly and fairly sub-
mitted to the people of Oregon, and in: every speech
that the member who represents that- State, in, tie
otl&er branch oí Congress, made before the people,, he
to®k the grouad that the citizens of all. the States Ikad
equal rights ia the Territories, and that the North had
no right to infringe the rights of th«> South, or the
South to infringe the rights of the Nonth..
I canvassed nearly every county in¡ the State in that
campaign, and I made myself understood everywhere.
I made the- point clearly that, in my judgment, all the
States of this Union liad an equal right,, aikd alt their
citizens liad an equal interest in the Territories—
rights that could not nor must not beánfringect or vio-
lated. The Democracy of the State triumphed ; and
by their votes at the ballot box, endorsed that great
principle—011c that must be maintained,, one that can-
not be violated; for 011 that great principle, of the
equality of the States in everything that belongs to
the General Government, the happiness of this coun-
try depends.
Mr. Brown, of Mississippi. I rise to express the
deep gratification which I feel at having listened to
the speech of the Senator from. Oregon. There is in
it more conservatism, more of genuine nationality,
more of that broad sentiment which covers this whole
country than in any speech which *1 have heard pro-
nounced in the Senate during the present session : and; J
I perhaps should not be extravagant if I said mor^
than I have heard during half a dozen sessions.
ii
What Dickinson would have done.—Extract, of
a letter from H011. Daniel S. Dickinson, to his frieads
in Baltimore, dated
Binoham-ion, N. Y., June 15, IStiO.
" I greatly fear an unwise, and if successful, a fatal
effort, to resist the return of the withdrawing delega-
tions. So far from resisting the return of these dele-
gations, they should be welcomed to the floor of the
Convention and to their seats, amidst every demonstra-
tion of applause known to a popular assembly.
Their rejection would break up the convention-
break up the Democratic party, and be a great enter-
ing wedge for disruption and disunion.
If the convention reject those delegates. I hope mv
friends will go with the rejected—I shall go with them
if I go alone! "
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The Crisis! (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 2, Ed. 1 Wednesday, August 1, 1860, newspaper, August 1, 1860; Galveston, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth181138/m1/2/: accessed May 1, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.