The Crisis! (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 2, Ed. 1 Wednesday, August 1, 1860 Page: 4 of 4
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dK
Ex-President- Pleree.
Doubts having been expressed as to the opinion of
this distinguished New England democrat concerning
the action of the Baltimore conventions and the nom-
ination of Breckinridge and Lane, we present, from the
Boston Post, the following extract of a letter from
him, dated 29th June, to Mr. B. F. Iiallett, of Boston,
author of the Cincinnati Platform and regular dele
gate to the Baltimore convention, but rejected there
by the Douglas majority :
" It was in vain to hope for harmony after the action
ol the majority upon the report of the committee on
Credentials. It could hardly have failed to be under-
stood generally that such action must terminate the
existence of the Convention as a body representing
the Democracy of the Union, and eventuate in the
present condition of the powerful and patriotic organi-
zation which has so long upheld the equal rights, and
vindicated in peace and in war the common honor of
tlier-c confederated States. There has been, in fact,
110 nomination made in conformity with the established
and recognized usages of that organization, and hence
sound and faithful men will iind nothing in the pro-
ceedings, so lar the nominees are concerned, to bind
their party fealty. Under these circumstances it would
■ gratify me .exceedingly if our friends in all sections of
the land could unite earnestly and cordially in the
support of Mr. Breckinridge and General Lane, and
thus insure for our cause signal victory.
It is of less consequence to discuss, who were right
and who wrong upon the question of membership in
the Convention, than it is to determine how the Demo-
cratic party, which united is invincble, can avert the
calamity of an irreconcilable breach. If division is
at present inevitable, it may be well to enquire whether
it is to be permanent. Is devotion to principle, to the
equal rights of the States, and to the integrity of the
Union, to be sacrificed to any object of personal ambi-
tion, or, what is worse, if possible, to the blind con-
trol of passion, of which we have already had too
much ? Have the doctrines and sentiments of section-
al fanaticism which culminated last year in the armed
invasion of a sister State with the avowed purpose of
exciting insurrection, ceased to be dangerous ? Where
is the evidence of change in the direction of sounder
and more conservative opinions ? I do not perceive
it. It certainly is not to be found in the want of con-
cert, so apparent among the great body of our coun-
trymen who are opposed to the principles and policy
of which Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Hamlin are now the re-
presentative men. ' i
While it would be culpable weakness to intewnit
effort for the right, there- is neither wisdom nor (Airv
age in turning from a full view*of the embarras^nifntfT
which beset our party, and the dangers which threslten
our country. The only manly idea on which to atft, is
•'Things are badjind may be worse; but, with the
blessing of God, we will try to make them better." I
am not without hope that the sterling Democracy of
the Keystone State will be able unitedly to support
the electoral ticket, already nominated by them, with-
out regard to the preference of the individual nomin-
ees, but with a satisfactory understanding as to the
manner in with the vote of State shall, in certain con-
tingencies, be cast; and that their example may be
followed by other States, and thus, something like
unanimity be yet secured. Should a policy like this
at once conciliatory and just, be pursued, we may well
be animated by fresh hope and confidence."
m ♦
Oregon and the Senate.
Great consequence has been attached to the late
State election in Oregon, on account of its influence
on the election of two United States Senators. There
is a vacancy from that State, in consequence of the
failure of the last Legislature to elect a successor to
Delazon Smith, whose term expired on the 4th of
March last, and Gen. Lane's term will expire on the
4th of March next. On the first returns it was thought
that the union of Republicans and Anti-Lecompton
Democrats had carried the Legislature, and that one
Republican, if not two, would be chosen to the Senate
One grand aim of the Republicans is so to revolution-
ize the politics of States as to obtain a majority in
the Senate of the United States, and with Oregon,
and the changes they calculate on in other States, they
look forward to success in the Congress which will
commence in December, 1803. They have already the
House of Representatives, ami expect to retain it.
They are confident of the election of Lincoln as Presi-
dent, and they begin to speculate largely on what is to
be done when, in the Congress after the next, they
shall have got complete control over all the depart-
ments of the government. The re-organization of the
Supreme Court, the last obstacle in their way, would
be the first subject their policy attended to.
The issue in Oregon, however, defers these hopes.
By the last returns, it is shown that whoever may be
elected from Oregon, it cannot be a Black Republi-
can. There is an anti-Republican majority, on joint
ballot, of at least four,—probably six—small, but suf-
ficient ; and as this closeness was effected by a com-
bination of the minorities, not likely to be renewed, it
makes the defeat of Lincoln, in November,, easy, if the
slightest discretion prevails among his opponents.—JV.
•0. Picayune.
A Voice from the South.
The New York Journal of Commerce, one of the al>lest,
most dignified and most influential of the Northern Demo-
eratid journals, has the following striking paragraphs com-
mencing : " Judge Douglas's signal failure to secure sym
pathy and support in the South." The Journal oí Com-
merce says
The Douglas Fizzle in New York,
/
The error of Mr. Douglas from the first, or at least
of his friends, has been a miscalculation respecting his
strength in the Southern States. Had their anticipa-
tions in this respect been realized, Mr. Douglas would
been nominated at Charleston by a two-thirds vote, in
which event he would have received, however reluc-
tanty, the support of the Democratic press and the
Democratic masses, throughout the country.
His failure to receive anticipated support at the South
was without doubt a sore disappointment to himself
and his friends ; and had he and they submitted grace-
fully to the disappointment, and allowed the nomina-
tion oí a candidate acccptablc to the whole country,
it would have been an act of wisdon which could not
have been too highly commended.
But prudent counsels did not prevail, and Mr. Doug-
las was pushed to the very extreme verge of partisan-
ship, in the hope, if not the expectation, that if his
nomination could be forced upon the full Convention,
or made bv a majority of the Delegates, such an en-
thusiasm would be aroused among his friends in the
South, as would effectually exclude any other Demo-
cratic candidate from the field.
On the adjournment of the Convention at Balti-
more, some enthusiasm was manifested at the South in
behalf of the Douglas ticket, but subsequent events,
not the least significant of which was the declination
oí Gov. Fitzpatrick, the nominee for Vice President,
have wholly dissipated whatever of prospect at first
appeared, until at present there is no possibility,—at
least no probability whatever.—that the Douglas ticket
can secure a single electoral vote in the Slave States.
The press, with a few trifling exceptions, is against
him ; the leading public men are generally opposed to
him ; and as far as we can judge at this time, the pub-
lic coincide with these exponents of the public will.
It is a misfortune that the division between the two
Democratic nominees is becoming so nearly sectional.
The almost unanimous voice of the delegates from
the South against Mr. Douglas, should have warned
his friends against the attempt to press him upon the
Convention. Neither his own popularity nor the con-
ditiop of the Democratic jparty warranted an attempt
to set $he public will at f: defiant; and his supporters,
forewarned, ousrhtlto haáre respected so decided
The Douglas men, who had It large and imposing
rally at Philadelphia last Saturday night made a ter-
rible failure in this city. None who did not .see it caí
realize the totality of this collapse in all its gigantic
j proportions. The processions, the attendence round
: the stands, the shouts, the speeches, were all so far be-
low zero that it, would be eniel to dwell nn thmn
íhe. fallin
- .v. o - ---- ,-Joiigfci9 of those who have
been supposed to be his friends') is an every-day occur-
rence, and in several instances these are among lead-
ing .public men. Gov; Fitzpatrick, Roger A. Pryor,
Gov. Johnson, of Tennessee. Gov. Stephens, of Geor-
gia, and others, scarcely less distinguished, are losses
which no candidate can afford, who expects to stand
well with his party. It may be that, by running
Douglas electoral tickets in several of the Southern
States, the vote of some of such States may be given
to Bell and Everett, but we judge that in no one of
them can Mr. Douglas have the slightest hope of suc-
cess. At the rate things are now going on, there will
bo very little encouragement for even the attempt to
present him as a candidate in any considerable num-
ber of the States soutli of Mason and Dixson's line.
Plain Talk.—The Navarro Express of the 24th,
says:
However much individuals may be pro-slavery in
the Southern States, none that we ever heard of desired
their party to embark in propagating and extending
slavery by means of party machinery. The Demo-
cratic party advocates the equal rights of the States
in the Government—the equal rights of the citizens of
the States, to the common property of the Government
—equal protection of the citizens of the States in the
common Territories of the Government, and the equal
protection of every species of property owned by citi-
zens of the States in the Territories of the Govern-
ment. The Democratic party never advocated the
raising of stock, the making of whiskey, or the plant-
ing and cultivation of corn and cotton—but it advo-
cates the protection of all these things, because they
are property.
So with slavery. It does not advocate raising ne-
groes, it has nothing to do with that: but negroes are
recognized as property in many of the States, and as
such the Democratic party advocates its protection as
any other property.
The Federal Constitution as it is, is the platform of
the Democratic party. It is their mission to preserve
the Government under it, and administer it by it. As
a party, we build up no political institutions: we
neither abolish slavery nor whisky.
These are questions that pertain to each Sovereign
State, to be acted upon by them when forming their
organic law—their State Constitution. The Demo-
cratic party is not a party of a State, but of all the
States. Its existence is co-extensive with the Consti-
tution, and whenever the broad shield of the Consti-
tution overshadows a sovereign American State, or an
humble American citizen, its language is Protection.
The long list of officers paraded heightens the fu-
neral aspect of this forlorn affair. Not one-fourth of
the strong, influential men of the party are borne on
this list, which reads like a page from the new Direc-
tory. Not half a dozen of the eight or ten score carry
any political weight. Any well-informed citizen who
looks over the list will see that Mr. Douglas is nowhere
in this emporium.
The Resolves of this meeting are singularly vague
and timid. They sgem to have been drawn rather as
an apology for supporting Dduglas than as a state-
ment of reasons for preferring ¿him. They lay more
stress on regularity and' paj-ty .organization than on
principle. They shirk or bejbg*the issues made up by
the rival nominations of B*e<jkinrige and Lane. They
seem to rely on the assertion 'that Douglas was regu-**
larly nominated [what of Johnson ?] as conclusive..
yet, do not even try to meet the objections to thai, ,
nomination on the score of regularity sp calmly fend*. V
ably stated by the Virginia delegates to Charleston -
and Baltimore.
Mr. Douglas has long had ardent, able, influential
| friends in this city, though they have always been &'
minority of the Democratic party. By good manage-
ment they might have been converted into a majority
—at least, we supposed so. But last night's meeting
liar probably rendered that consumation impossible. -
He will be beaten in the vote of our city decidedly by
Breckinridge. One more such demonstration in his
behalf would put him out of the canvass, at least so
far as our city is concerned. In the rural districts be
must be stronger; but his friends there must look:
sharply to the management of their leaders or he will '
not receive an electoral vote in the Union.—JY. York
Tribune.
y
Messrs. Flournoy and McAdoo.
Owensville, Robertson County, \
July 5th, 1860. }
Col. McAdoo opened, taking no position or making
no issue, except the oft-repeated and thread bare song
of anti-convention. Col. Flournoy followed, effectual-
ly and happily exposing the buncombe of McAdoo by
argument, beautifully spiced with ridicule and aneo-
dote. He very plainly and candidly took position <
the political issues of the day, in a speech delivered
a forcible manner, which received immense applause- ¡
He succeeded in driving his competitor into opposition '
to the Galveston Palform and support of Gen. Hons- L
ton for the Presidency, whilst he refused to advocates*
Squatter Sovereignty. In truth Col. McAdoo tip-toed
and cavorted whilst evading the question, and defied
F. to endorse the action of the seceding delegates at.
Charleston, which was answered in such a prompt and
pleasant and somewhat comic manner, as to produce a
perfect roar of applause even from the Sam-ites-MJie-
effect of which brought a similar endorsement from
McAdoo. Although this was F.'s first political speech,,
he left the field covered with glory, evidently doing- *
good service for the State as well as the Presidential
ticket. F.'s promptitude and ingenuity at repartee,
ridicule and anecdote, would ho doubt surprise hi
most intimate friends, and if he improves with practice,
by the close of this canvass, he will rank with the
best and most effective stump orators in the State.
♦
Breckinridge in Pennsylvania.—Mr. J. B. Baker,,
one of the Pennsylvania delegates to the National
Convention, is out for Breckinridge and Lane, the can-
didates of the National Democracy of the country. In
an address to his constituents, after-reviewing:'the ac-
tion of the convention, lie says : ; ; ./ \ .....
"With a Convention thus disjointed and dissevet^d,
myself and other members of the Pennsylvania dele-
gation would no longer.p,c4.The National Convention
of' the Democracy of tlie.-.Utiion had ceased to exist,
and we therefore declined participating in proceedings
that could have no binding, effect on any one. For
anything that transpired or occurred in that disrupted
body after the frrewell of the presiding officer, I am in
no wise responsible. No one was authorized to speak
for me or bind my future course ; and if Mr. Dawson,
who, whilst the Pennsylvania delegation remained in-
tact, had been chosen as its chairman, rose in that sec-
tional gathering and attempted to commit the patriotic
Keystone State to its nominees, he spoke but for him-
self and those who cast their votes therein. For my-
self, I stand free and untrammeled. Surrounded by a
dissevered Democracy, 1 take my stand with the gal-
lant men of Virginia and her sister States, from whom
Pennsylvania has never yet parted. I shall stand by
the standard of those tried statesman and soldiers^
Breckinridge and Lane—men who have never faltered
in the Democratic cause, and who are now the chosen
nominees of the regular Democratic delegates, elected'
by regular organizations in Democratic States.
■ v
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The Crisis! (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 2, Ed. 1 Wednesday, August 1, 1860, newspaper, August 1, 1860; Galveston, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth181138/m1/4/: accessed May 1, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.