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30
THE WAR IN TEXAS.
ultimatum of their grand design. I repeat
that its members have a majority in the councils
of the nation; and as the sentiments of the
Executive Head coincides with theirs, the government
is completely under their controllng
influence; and their object will certainly be
accomplished, UNLE'sS THE PEOPLE OF
OUR FREE STATES AROUSE FROM
THEIR APATHY, and by an open, decided,
general expression of their sentiments, induce
their Senators and Representatives in Congress
to oppose the measure.
It is indeed astonishing, that many intelligent
persons in this country have so long suffered
themselves to be blinded and deceived, in relation
to this subject. I am aware that the
parties to the uinholy compact have uniformly
veiled their designs with specious pretexts and
systematic misrepresentations. But within the
last few months, particularly, they have nearly
thrown off the mask. Their cloak is a mere
veil of gauze; and we have nothing to do bilt
open our eyes, to perceive the hideous reality
of the corruption beneath it.
Although it has been generally asserted,
and many have been induced to believe, that
the only object of the insurrectionists is the
establishment of an independent government,
separate from that of any other,-yet the
principal original advocates of the schemethe
slaveholders, slave-breeders, an(l politicians
of the United States-never entertained the
idea for a moment. The land speculators and
foreign slave-traders would have no objection
to it; (neither would the colonists object to it;)
but they could not expect to effect the alienation
of the territory from the Mexican Govern.
ment without the aid, either directly or indirectly,
of the Government of the United States.
This aid could not be obtained, without the
prospect of the future attachment of the territory
to this Confederation, to increase the power
and preponderating influence of the slaveholding
States in the National Congress. The plan of
establishing an "Independent Republic" in
Texas was, therefore, publicly proclaimed,
first, with the view of effectually separating
the territory from Mexico, and firmly re-es.
tablishing slavery; and, secondly, to bring it
into this Union without subjecting our Government
to the charge of official interference in
the accomplishment of those objects. A/'o
other plan would have succeeded; while this has
deceived the opponents of slavery, lulled them
into a fatal security, and thrown them entirely
off their guard, as it respects their own interests
and safety. So far as the "combination"
has succeeded in establishing its authority,
the territory is wrested from Mexico; the
system of slavery, and the slave-trade with this
country, are fully recognized; and all the necessary
preliminaries are arranged for the formal
sanction of independence and admission
into the ranks of the sovereign slaveholding
States composing this Republic, at an early
day. This, too, has all been done with the
connivance and aid of our Government, without
formally violating its "' neutrality!"
If there are any who yet doubt the intentions
of the insurgents, respecting the attachment
of the territory in question to that of the
United States, they are particularly requested
to read what follows,-and a moment's reflection
will probably then satisfy them of the
truth of the averment. It will be perceived
that even Stephen F. Austin himself now
sanctions it openly.
By the recent arrival of a vessel from one of
the ports in Texas, a paper bearing date the
9th of August has been received from that
country, in which an election for officers of
their Government is announced to be held in
a: short time. Stephen F. Austin is one of the
candidates for the Presidency; and in a letter
published in the paper aforesaid, he expresses
himself thus:Columbia,
August 4th, 1836.
DEAR SIR:-I have been nominated by many
persons whose opiniqns I am bound to respect, as a
candidate for the office of President of Texas, at the
September elections.
Influenced by the great governing principle which
has regulated my actions since I came to Texas,
fifteen years ago, which is, to serve this country in
any capacity in which the people might think proper
to employ me, I shall not decline the highly responsible
and difficult one now proposed, should the
majority of my fellow citizens elect me.
I perceive by the proclamation of the President,
ordering the election, that the people are requested
to say whether they are in favor, or not, of annexing
Texas to the United States. On this point, I shall
consider myself bound, if elected, to obey the will of
the people. As a citizen, however, I am free to say,
that Iam in favor of annexation, and will do all in
my power to effect it with the least possible delay.
Respectfully,
Your fellow Citizen,
S. F. AUSTIN.
The same paper contains the following
enunciation from William H. Jack, who recently
officiated as their Secretary of State,
but is now proposed as a candidate for the
Legislature. He writes in answer to sundry
interrogatories from those who put him in
nomination ;-and after replying to three other
questions, unconnected with the subject before
us, he concludes as follows:Fourth.
1 am decidedly and anxiously in favor of
annexing Texas to the United States. I consider it
the "c rock of our salvation," and a consummation of
happiness "most devoutly to be wished for."
Should I be chosen a representative to Congress, I
shall leave no effort untried to produce this desired
object, feeling confident, that all the blessings of
peace and tranquillity will thereby be secured, to
ourselves and our posterity.
Fifth. When I first read the Constitution, as
adopted by the Convention, I was of opinion that
some errors had crept into it, and hence was in favor
of submitting to the people, whether they would
adopt it absolutely, or clothe Congress with powers to
amend it.
Subsequent reflection, and the importance of organizing
a constitutional government immediately,
have satisfied me that it ought to be adopted, as it