The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 316
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CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
Moore, Morse, Murphy, Patterson; Payne, Emery. D. Pot-
fcer, Preston, David S, Reid, Rhett, St, John, Saunders.
David JU Seymour, Simpson; Steenrod, John Stewart,
Stone, Sykes, Taylor, Thompson, Tibbatts, Tucker, Vance,
Vinton, and Weller—64.
NAYS-^Messrs. Abbot, Adams, Ashe, Baker, Beardsley,
Benton, Bidlack, James Black, James A. Black, Bossier,
Bower, Boyd, Wm. J. Brown, Buffington, Burke, Burt,
Caldwell, Carey, Carroll, Catlin, Causm, Cliilton, Clinch,
Clingm'an, Coles, Collamer, Cranston, Cullom, Dana, Dan*
iel, Garrett Davis, John W. Cavis, jDeI)erry, Delict, Dill-
ingham, Dunlap, Farlee, Kicklih, Fish, Florence, French,
"Willis Green, Grider, Harper, Henley, Houston, Hubard,
Hnbboll, Hudson, Hungerford, Washington Hunt, James
B. Hunt, Irvin, Jenks, Perley B. Johnson, Andrew John-
son, Geo. W. Jones, Andrew Kennedy, Daniel P. King,
Labranche, Lucas, Lyon, McClelland, McClernand, Mc-
Dowell, Mcllvaine, Moseley, Newton, Novris, Owen, Par-
Bienter, Peyton, E. R. Potter, Ramsey, Rathbun, Charles
M. Reed, Reding, Ritter, Robinson, Rockwell, Rogers,
Sample, Schenck, Senter, Severance, Thomas H-. Seymour,
Simons, Slidell, Albert Smith, Caleb B. Smith, Robert
Smith, Stetson, Andrew Stewart, Stiles, Strong, Thorn-
asson, Tildcn, Tyler, Wentworth, Wethered, Wheaton,
White, Williams, Winthrop, Woodward, William Wright,
Joseph A. Wright, and Yost—108.
Some conversation ensued in relation to the dffi-
culty in which the House was involved, in which
Mr. WINTHROP, Mr. DROMGOOLE, the
SPEAKER, Mr. LEWIS, Mr. HENLEY, Mr. E.
J. BLACK, Mr. C. JOHNSON, and others, took
part.
Mr. HENLEY then said, if the difficulty could
be removed, he would withdraw his resolution. He
took that course, and gave notice that he should
offer the same resolution on Tuesday next; which
notice would have the effect of calling the attention
of members to the question. In that way the sub-
ject was disposed of.
FRENCH SPOLIATIONS.
Mr. CRANSTON presented resolutions of the
legislature of Rhode Island, in relation to French
spoliations; and, on his motion, they were referred
to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and ordered to
be printed.
THE RULES.
The SPEAKER announced the order of the day,
for the morning hour, to be the report of the Select
Committee on the Rules.
Mr. ROGERS was entitled to the floor; and he
commenced by observing that he proposed, in all
sincerity, to give his views on the subject which oc-
cupied the attention of the House. There was no
question which had excited more interest at the
North, particularly amongst his constituents, than
thiB very one of the right of petition. The 21st rule,
from its first adoption, had found no favor witli them
of New York. They might travel through the
whole extent of the State—through its whole"length
and breadth—and would hardly find one man in ten
that would attempt to justify it. Sincere and deep
was the opposition to it, and for good and sufficient
reason. When first the attempt was made hero to
abridge the right of petition, the abolition party, as
.such, was hardly known amongst them in New
York. There were a few abolitionists, to be sure,
but they were few and far between, like angels'
visits: there was no organization, there was no
party in reality. The question of political action
was a question which had long been mooted amongst
them; but on that subject, there was a great variety
of opinions; and it was not until the adoption of this
21st rule, or measures of restriction like it, that they
attempted anything like party organization. But
seizing on the vantage ground thus furnished,
they commenced a regular political organization;
and inscribed on their banners "liberty and the
right of petition"—a conjunction of terms well
calculated to touch the popular mind, and
stir up the deep, wide ocean of public sentiment.
And what had been the result? Look at Now York,
where, a few years ago, there was hardly a suffi-
cient array of political strength to be respectable
even among the "scatterings;" but now they held
the balance of power. It was so, also, in Massa-
chusetts, and in Connecticut, and in Vermont, and
in Ohio, and elsewhere; and from a disjointed, scat-
tered, and fragmentary condition, they had risen to
a position where power and influence beget respect;
and he had sometimes thought that his democratic
friends were so well satisfied of this, that they were
inehiied to woo and win the abolitionists. Now,
he sincerely, honestly, and conscientiously believed
that the very element of subsistence—the very life-
blood which had given vigor and vitality to this
party—was to be found in this celebrated 21st rule,
there was a principle deeply planted in the human
heart, as old as human nature itself', that revolts at
persecution and oppression, and gathers strength
from opposition. The very worm Would turn on
the foot that spurns it; and should man, with all his
glorious faculties and capabilities, do less than the
worm that crawls in the dust? The whole history
of the world showed that no cause had been im-
peded by oppression; but, on the contrary, such a
warfare had always led the oppressed to ultimate
and complete triumph. Why, "the blood of the
martyrs was the seed of the church;" and from the
dungeon, the gibbet, and the stake, truth had been
borne, on the four winds of the heavens, to the ut-
termost corners of the earth.
He then, in connexion with this subject, referred
to the landing of the pilgrims on Plymouth rock;
but he spoke in so low a tone of voice thathe was not
distinctly heard. He then proceeded to say that it
was to oppression that this country owed its inde-
pendent existence as a nation. But "there were gi-
ants in those days." He did not attempt to com-
Eare abolitionists with the heroes of the revolution;
ut he did say that human nature was the same the
world all over, and that similar causes would pro-
duce similar effects.
In relation to the 21st rule, he proposed to take a
plain, practical, and common-sense view of it.
What was the opinion of their constituents on that
subject? What was the opinion of the masses?
What was the opinion of the people? He pretend-
ed to know something of the people in his section of
the country, for he was one of them. He mixed
with them everywhere—in workshops, with the farm-
er at the plough, and the laborer in the ditch. He
knew all, for he was one of them, and he was so re-
garded; and he undertook to say, in relation to this
celebrated rule, that, with the masses of their con-
stituents in the State of New York, there was no
difference of opinion: they universally considered
this rule right or wrong, an abridgment of the right
of petition, a restriction and limitation of that inval-
uable right, and no one could convince them that it
was not a restriction of the right of petition.
The only plausible argument which he had heard
on this subject, in this House, was, that where the
petition prayed for an unconstitutional thing, it
might be rejected. This he was not going to deny;
but he would say that argument did not apply in this
case, for he understood that Congress possessed au-
thority over the whole subject in the District of Co-
lumbia.
Mr. R. then referred to various authorities to show
that Congress had the power to abolish slavery with-
in the District of Columbia. The question of expe-
diency was another matter upon which he should
not attempt to say anything at present. Whether
Congress ought to do it, was a question which, at
this time, he should not attempt to discuss. He
contended that Congress had the same power to
abolish slavery within the District of Columbia, as
the State of New York or Massachusetts had to
abolish slavery within their respective jurisdictions.
He thought there could be no doubt upon this point;
no doubt had ever been expressed until very recently.
But, in order to settle the question conclusively,
he thought, to the minds of the majority of that
House, he would cite the opinion of a distinguished
man, ^under whose banner the democracy of that
House were now rallying, as he believed, to their cer-
tain defeat. Mr. R. here read the opinions of Mar-
tin Van Buren in relation to the power of Congress
to interfere with the abolition of slavery in the Dis-
trict of Columbia, in a letter addressed to a commit-
tee of the citizens of North Carolina.
The gentleman from the State of Mississippi, [Mr.
Thompson,] had seen fit the other day, when speak-
ing upon this subject, to allude with a sneer, as he
thought at the time, to the State ofNew York, and
for William H. Seward. With all due respect to the
gentleman from Mississippi, he must be permitted
to say, that he probably understood the politics of
his own State rather better than he did those of the
State of New York, or the character of William H.
Seward. Governor Seward, when he was a candidate,
was addressed by the abolitionists on the subject of
abolition, and he gave a flat and unqualified dissent
to all the prominent articles of their creed. It was
true, that his administration hud given satisfaction,
in some respects, to the abolition party, as it had
most assuredly to a large majority of the State
Why did the gentleman sneermgly allude to W. H.
Seward? What was he? The very soul of honor;
a man filled by the prodigality of nature with all
the riches of intellect and virtue, sown broadcast in
his composition; a man whose reputation had never
been soiled by a breath of reproach: he was not only
pure, but, like Ceesar'3 wife, above suspicion. In
early age he planted himself in western New York,
among a population distinguished by their intelli-
gence and enterprise; and, by the energy of his
mind and strength of his character, he rose to em-
inence and distinction; and at the early age of thirty-
sev«n, he was elected governor of the empire State.
He was twice elected governor; but this was not
the proper time to speak of his administrations.
Suffice it to say, that his name stood high in the
annals of his State. But to sneer at W. H. Sew-
ard, as Tristram Burgess was wont to say—there
was more wisdom in his little finger than in the
brains of his political assailants. He belonged to
the true nobility of nature—to the peerage of intel-
lect—and was adorned by the heraldry of virtue.
Were New York now called upon to present her
jewels, the name of Seward would be one of the
purest gems that would glitter in the diadem of her
greatness.
Where did all this sneering come from? It came
from Mississippi. Now he humbly conceived, with
all due deference to the gentlemen from Mississippi
on that floor, that Mississippi was the very last State
in the Union that should attempt to sit in judgment
on the chai-acters of her sister States. The gentle-
man thought that abolitionism was pregnant with
mischief, and black with dishonor. What did the
gentleman think of repudiation? War, pestilence,
and famine, or any other evil, might be inflicted, and
the recuperative energies of the country would be
sufficient to renew, restore, and revive its prosper-
ity; but where was the medicine that should heal
the wounded honor of the country? Where was the
hand that should wipe from her brow the damning
leprosy of broken promises and blasted fame?
Where was the arm long enough and strong enough
to pluck up drowning honor by the locks? When
the obligations of a government became false as
dicers' oaths, that government voluntarily goes
down to that depth of degradation from which there
is no hope of arising. It was a moral and political
death. It was the unforgotten and unforgiven sin,
for which there was no recording angeJ, in the
beautiful language of Sterne, to drop a tear as he
writes it down, and blot it out forever.
Mr. THOMPSON wished, before the gentleman
left that part of the subject, to be permitted to make
an explanation in reply.
Mr. RODGERS observed that he had only ten
minutes left him; and his remarks on repudiatijn
were general—making no personal allusion to the
gentleman or his State, he assured him. Mr. R.
went on to say that he wished to refer to some re-
marks of the gentleman from South Carolina, who
made a very extraordinary speech, but should not
have time to do so. He should, however, take the
opportunity to allude to the speech of the gentleman
from Alabama, [Mr. Dellet,] made yesterday,
which, he was free to say, was the best speech
made on that side of the question—a speech charac-
terized by a great deal of ingenuity, and eloquence,
and force of mind. But the gentleman was mista-
ken in the allusion which he made to the
authority of Mr. Madison. The gentleman spoke
of Mr. Madison as having said, in one of his
speeches in the convention of Virginia, that abolish-
ing slavery in this District would be a usurpation of
power by Congress. That speech, however, was
made in reply to a speech of Mr. Henry, and a re-
ference to these speeches would show that they both
referred to the abolition of slavery in the States,
which lie, as well as all the abolitionists, would ad-
mit would be a usurpation of power by Congress.
No abolitionist that he ever heard of had ever asked
for the abolition of slavery in the States. Mr. R.
then read some extracts from the speeches of Mr.
Madison and Patrick Henry; at the conclusion of
which, his remarks were cut short by the Speaker's
announcing that the hour had expired.
Mr. DROMGOOLE rose and gave notice that he
should withdraw his motion to recommit the report,
and offer an amendment instead.
PRE-EMPTIONS.
Mr. HOUSTON, from the Committee on Public
Lands, reported a bill to reduce and graduate the
price of the public lands in favor of settlers and culti-
vators; which was read twice and refeired to the
Committee of the Whole, and the bill and accompa-
nying report were ordered to be printed.
PRIVATE CALENDAR.
On motion of Mr. VANCE, the House resolved
itself into a Committee of the Whole House, (Mr.
Joseph R. Ingep.soll in tke chair,) for the con-'
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2367/m1/340/: accessed April 28, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.