The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 282
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282
CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
actual want, had to attribute their sad change in
circumstances, to the fact of not being able to
pay the taxes demanded, and the conse-
quent forfeiture of their ■ property for such
inability. Whole sheets of the public papers
would be found filled with advertisements of prop-
erty, to be sold for non-payment of taxes. It was
in consideration of government being exempt from
those taxes which proved ruinous to so many, that
appropriations had, from time to time, been made
by Congress, not for relief of the citizens of Wash-
ington, but to keep the people's property in repair.
Those appropriations were far from the amount that
government would have to pay, if taxed the same as
all other holders of property in the city. All that
was now asked was an appropriation from govern-
ment sufficient to put its own highway into a state
of repair; and, by doing so, save its own property
from gradually sinking into ruin. He saw no cause
for the violent indignation expressed by the senator
from Ohio. On the contrary, lie thought that the
citizens were more entitled to the sympathy of the
Senate, on account of the enormous taxation they
were burdened with. He doubted the legality of
any municipal taxation. The city was built on a
scale of national magnitude. It belonged to the na<-
tion; and, as such, Congress was bound to provide
for and protect it. It was true that Congress dele-
gated to the citizens municipal government. They
asked, in an evil hour, for their charter. It was
granted; and from that day to this, they found
cause to repent it. The views that he entertained
were those of President Jefferson, who considered
government was bound to pay .all just expenses of
the city.
In regard to the increase of expenditure called for
by the amendment, he was not prepared to say how
far it was necessary; but, aware that, before recom-
mended, it must have received the attentive consid-
eration of the committee, he could have no hesita-
lion in acquiescing with their views. He repeated,
that if government was taxed at the same rate as the
private holders of property, not all the appropria-
tions granted, including that now sought for, would
come nigh discharging the debt they would now
owe the city.
Mr. ALLEN remarked that, as often as appro-
priation bills for the city or District were brought
before that body, it was argued that they should
be granted without opposition on the ground
of this being the seat of government. Now he
thought that the very fact of government disbur-
sing annually two millions of dollars from the pute
lie treasury was more than equivalent for the ad-
vantages which it was argued they enjoyed from
their exemption from taxes. He thought the set-
tlement of government here should be viewed'as
elsewhere—a local good. In every State where it
was proposed to settle down a seat of government,
there wm a competition among towns and cities to
see which would be chosen; and this competition
arose from a knowledge of the advantages which the
seat of government conferred on the place of its lo-
cation. He never heefi'd of a State being called on
to pay the expenses of the city were its capital was
seated; and he thought the same doctrine sould ap-
ply here. In this city government was called on
not only to pave and light the streets, but to tear up
a good pavement for the purpose of putting down a
worse one. They were called, on in the spirit of a
treasury-grasping system, to give $50,000, for the
purpose of ornamenting and beautifying one mile
of a street. The State of Ohio, which he represent-
ed, contained one-tenth the population of the United
States, and would consequently have to pay
tme-tenth the amount required, as their portion.
He was not the man to vote such sum out of the
pockets of the people of Ohio for the purpose or or-
namenting, with rows of trees, one mile of Pennsyl-
vania avenue—knowing, as he did, that there was not
at this moment a more beautiful or commodious
street within the limits of the republic. He did not
complain of the vote of any senator, neither were
his remarks intended to control the vote of any mem-
ber of that body; but he could not let such a meas-
ure pass silently, as he did not feel himself sufficient-
ly strong to take the responsibility of so great an
evil. He recollected proposing an appropriation of
§100,000 for the purpose of placing armed steam-
ers on the lakes, to guard against the action of
British armed steamers then placed there; and yet
this expenditure, which was to extend a protection
over an extent of 1,500 miles, and which was asked
in face of a danger threatening the republic, was on-
ly carried by a majority of two—so great a dread of
extravagance, bo holy a horror of taxation, had the
fcntlemen who now advocate the expenditure of
alf that sum in ornamenting Pennsylvania avenue.
He agreed with the senator from Indiana, that no
estimates ever covered the actual expenses of a con-
tract work; there was, and woitld always be, some
after demand. In making the remarks he did, he
denied having any unkind feeling to the District;
he felt himself only performing a duty; and if act-
ing on the responsibility which he owed to truth,
justice, and the people, was to be designated unkind-
ness to any party or individual, he knew not how a
senator, conscientiously performing his duty, was to
escape the charge.
Mr. MILLER observed, that the senator from
Ohio [Mr. Allen] spoke of the appropriation as if
it was a proposition merely to ornament the city.
He considers it an appropriation of $50,000 out of
the public treasury, for mere purposes of ornament!
Let the facts of the case be looked into. What part
of this appropriation was to be applied for the pur-
poses of ornament' Was there any, except so much
as might be necessary for planting the trees and pro-
viding boxes for their security? And how much did
that amount to? About 81,400! .That was the whole
amount to be expended on what might be called
mere ornament; but was it for nothing but ornament.5
Did every one who planted trees do it merely for
ornament? No; there' were other objects in view—
their future value and the comfort s>f their shade and
shelter were looked forward to. Now, if Congress was
to be kept in session till the month of August, during
the long sessions, (as was very probable, looking to
what has occurred, and the indications of the times,)
would there be no compensation for this paltry ex-
penditure of $1,400, in the grateful shade of these
trees to members of Congress, and others having
business to transact between the Capitol and the de-
partments, and necessarily obliged to pass through
that thoroughfare, from one point to the other? Yet
this paltry sum, for such a desirable, if not necessary
purpose, is to be the foundation of the whole ap-
propriation being branded as an enormous expendi-
ture! How much of it will the constituents of the
senatorfrom Ohio have to pay, admitting that they are
a tenth of the population of this Union? Now lie
(Mr. M.) submitted to every senator whether he is
not satisfied that it is a necessary expenditure, for
the safety of every traveller, and for the comfort of
every man and woman walking on the sideways of
Pennsylvania avenue? The senator from Ohio says
if this Capitol were offered to be placed in any
city of any State in this Union, that city would
gladly incur all necessary expenses of keeping
its highways in repair, for the benefit received,
without even calling on the government for one dol-
lar out of the public treasury. All that may be very
true; because the inhabitants, in that case, would be
the only party benefited. Here it was different: the
government owned a considerable portion of the
property in the city; which portion paid no taxes,
and would be enhanced in value by its own expen-
diture. The real circumstances were to be consid-
ered; not the supposititious case put by the Sena-
tor. But if the senator must suppose a case, let him
do it with circumstances parallel to the existing
facts. Let him suppose that, on the removal of the
Capitol to any other city, instead of being satisfied
with the manner in which the public highways were
laid out, the government should undertake to make
the streets 108 feet wide, (as it has done with regard
to Pennsylvania avenue,) for its own purposes:
would not that city require it to do so at
its own expense, and not to demand such
an unreasonable thing as that the citizens
should be at the expense? Those avenues were laid
out by the government; they were made for its
purposes, and to suit its views; and all expenses
of keeping them up, and making them satisfactory
for the objects of the government, should be incur-
red by the government itself. In the year 1830,
$100,000 were expended on Macadamizing the ave-
nue. It is found, in the course of time, necesssry
that considerable repairs should be made. The
only question before the Senate was, whether the
plan presented to it by the committee deputed to
consider the subject, should be adopted, or some
other plan; for the repairs have to be done, and can-
not be either neglected, or accomplished without
the necessary means. The committee had looked
carefully into the plan and estimates, and had con-
cluded that, with the amendments which they pro-
posed, the bill would authorize the best and cheapest
plan that could be adopted; at the same time uni-
ting all the advantages of ornament and comfort,
without additional expense. They considered the
street at present wider-than necessary—being 108
feet from curb to curb—which caused more expense
in keeping it in repair than otherwise would be re-
quisite. He believed Broadway, in the city of New
York, was only 41 feet from curb to curb; and yet
that was found capacious enough for the thorough-
fare of a city ten times the size of this. The com-
mits, therefore, proposed to take off part of this
widMpof 108 feet and add it to the side walks, which,
once paved with brick, would last much longer.
Now, if this saving be taken into account, and also
the saving of having a less surface of street—the
paved carriage ways—to keep in repair than now, it
will be found that the ornamental part of the plan
actually costs nothing. There would be, in fact, on
that score, no additional expense, for the argument
of the senator from Ohio could only apply to the
rows of trees to be planted. He (Mr. M.) hoped
the amendments would be adopted.
Mr. ALLEN renewed his motion to lay the bill
on the table; on which motion the yeas and nays
were ordered.
They were taken, and resulted in the negative—
yeas 8, nays 32, as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Allen, Atchison, Atherton, Breese, Fair-
field, Hannegan, Semple, and Wright—8.
NAYS—Messrs. Archer, Bagby, Barrow, Bates, Bayard,
Benton, Berrien, Buchanan, Choate, Clayton, Dayton,
Evans, Foster, Francis, Fulton, Haywood, Jarnagan, King,
McDuffie, Mangum. Merrick, Miller, Pearce, Phelps, Porter,
Rives, Simmons, Sturgeon, Tallmadge, Uphain, Walker,
and White—33.
Th^ouestion recurred on the amendments pro-
pose*- the chairman of the Committee on the
DistrlWff Columbia, [Mr. Miller.] The one sub-
stituting, in the first section of the bill, $40,000 for
$28,000, was agreed to. The other amendment,
striking out the second section of the bill and sub-
stituting the following in lieu thereof, was agreed to:
"And be it further enacted, That the money hereby
appropriated shall be expended in repaving and re-
pairing that portion of the said avenue lying be-
tween west 1st street and west 15th street in the fol-
lowing manner, to wit: the side-walks to be extend-
ed thirteen feet in width, and planted with an addi-
tional row of trees. The remainder of said avenue
to be divided into three parallel strips, the centre
strip to be twenty-eight feet wide, and covered with
gravel; the side parallel strips to be each twenty-
seven feet wide, and paved with small oval stones
not larger than three inches in diameter. The said
work to be executed by the public gardener and his
assistants, under the superintendence of the Secreta-
ry of War, and agreeably to such grades and levels
as may be prescribed by an engineer, to be appoint-
ed for that purpose by the President of the United
States."
The bill was then reported back to the Senate,
and the amendments were concurred in.
On the question of ordering the bill to be engrossed
for a third reading,
Mr. ALLEN demanded the yeas and nays; which
were ordered.
It was decided that the bill should be engrossed
and read a third time—yeas 33, nays 8, as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Archer, Bagby, Barrow, Bates, Bayard,
Benton, Berrien, Buchanan, Choate, Clayton, Colquitt, Day-
ton, Evans, Francis, Fulton, Haywood, Jarnagin, King,
McDuffie, Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Pearce, Phelps, Porter,
Rives, Sevier, Simmons, Sturgeon, Tallmadge, Upham,
Walker, and "White—33.
NAYS—Messrs. Allen, Atchison, Atherton, Breese* Fair-
field, Hannegan, Semple, and Wright—8.
The enrolled bill from the House, restoring to
General Jackson the fine imposed upon him by
Judge Hall, was then signed by the President pro
tem.
On motion of Mr. MERRICK, the Senate
then proceeded to the consideration of executive
business; and after some time spent therein,
Adjourned.
HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, February 15, 1844.
The journal having been read,
Mr. KING of Massachusetts introduced his col-
league, the honorable Amos Abbot, lately elected a
representative from the State of Massachusetts; and
Mr. Abbot having presented himself at the table,
the oath to support the constitution was administer-
ed to him by the Speaker.
RESIGNATION OF A MEMBER.
"Hie SPEAKER laid before the House a letter
from the honorable Henry A. Wise, bating that he
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2367/m1/306/: accessed April 27, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.