The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session Page: 182
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182
CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
ago, when the design was first brought boldly for-
ward tp enlarge the ffqwer of the slaveholding States
of this Union, when Missouri was about to come
into the Union. He referred to the general excite-
ment fell throughout the country at that time, and
particularly to the resolutions passed by the legisla-
ture .of New York in 1820, and repealed by the
legislature of- 182], protesting against the future ad-
mission of any slaveholding States, to be formed
out of territory not-belonging to our country at the
formation of this Union. These resolutions (he
said) expressed the sober sentiments at the present
time of the peaceable citizens of that State. They
had been, they were now, and he trusted they ever
would remain, willing and anxious to abide by the
guaranties of the constitution. That excitement
passed away; but the under-current connected with
it had been revived and strengthened by the pro-
ceedings of southern gentlemen with reference to
the right of petition. He adverted to the history
of these proceedings; to the adoption of the rule ex-
cluding abolition petitions; adopted, he had no doubt,
from good motives by gentlemen from the South,
but which had stimulated and revived this feeling,
an.d legitimately, as he contended.
JBut this was not all. The question had hitherto
been deemed a national question, and, as such, had
received the sanction of the whole country. He
glanced at the history of the successive negotiations
for the acquisition of Texas under the administra-
tion of Mr. Adams in 1825, and of General Jackson
in 1829, and also in 1835, to show that it had uni-
formly heretofore been considered a national ques-
tion. It had been reserved to the present period,
when this fever of reannexation so suddenly raged,
to urge this question as a sectional question, in the
language of the chairman of the Committee on For-
eign Affairs [Mr. C. J. Ingersoll] as a southern
measure, embracing slavery and all. JNotonly this,
but in the diplomatic correspondence of persons
standing high in office, it had been made to savor
of the same idea; and it stood before the world that
this, which had formerly been conceded a great na-
tional measure, to be consummated in that feeling
of brotherhood that should influence every portion
of this confederacy in the attainment of a great na-
tional object, had been dragged down into a scheme
for the purpose of one section, and the domestic in-
stitutions of one section of the country. It was this,
combined with the other consideration to which he
had referred, that had given strength and power to
that under-current which was setting against this
measure; In whatever form, then, this project was
consummated, whether by legislation (which he be-
lieved not the constitutional mode) or by treaty, this
important question of slavery or non-slavery ought
to be settled at the time, e.o instanti, with the act of
annexation.
Alluding to the argument of the gentleman from
Georgia, [Mr. Cobb,] Mr. S. denied that the guar-
anties of the constitution with reference to. slavery
extended to foreign territory which we might ac-
quire. After giving his views as to what the com-
promise was, he said he did not understand that a
part of it was, that within the extension of this re-
public in its future growth, the peculiar domestic, in-
stitutions of the South should advance pari passu at
the expense and under the protection of the other
portions of the Union.
(Mr. S. maintained that the legislative power of
the country had no right to acquire foreign territory
or admit a foreign State into the Union, and went
on at length to argue that point—referring in the
course of his argument to the acquisition of the
Louisiana territory when it was necessary to use the
treaty-making power for that object. He further
offered as an additional argument why Texas could
not be admitted on the teims proposed, that she
could not send senators and representatives to Con-
gress with the constitutional qualification of seven
and nine years' residence.
Mr. HAMLIN observed that he rose for the pur-
pose of mingling in this debate, with but little hope
or expectation that any suggestions he nr.ght offer
woukl produce an impression m these walls. The
importance of the question, and the deep and mo-
mentous interest which was involved in it, must be
his excuse for troubling this committee within his
brief hour, and then to be heard no more. We
have, said he, a country stretching from the frozen
regions of the North to the tropical climate of the
South. We have seacoast extending back to the
shores washed by the Pacific ocean, vast in extent,
and embracing m its circuit almost every climate,
fdmost every industrial pursuit which marks the
world; and it must occur to every mind that any
government stretching its powers over such a vast
extent must be one of compromise. On compro-
mise our republican form of government was based.
Viewing the question in such a light, let us (said
Mr. H.) come to ihe consideration of it with feel-
ings and purposes equal to its importance. Gentle-
men who had preceded him in thi3 debate had so
ably discussed the constitutional question involved
in it, that he should not enter upon it. He should
content himself with simply saying, that from a
cool and calm consideration of the matter he had
come to the conclusion that he would give his sanc-
tion to the annexation of Texas upon such consid-
erations and such restrictions as would make it what
it was claimed to be—a national question. More-
over, he was for immediate annexation, though he
had indulged the hope that the consummation of
this measure would have been left to the coming ad-
ministration, which would have (as he trusted and
believed it would) the confidence of the people. As
the present administration possessed the respect and
confidence of no party and no man, he wished this
question to go over to one which would have'the
confidfnce of the countryTj As, however, the sub-
ject, is now before the Bouse, it is our duty (said
Mr. H.^ to treat it with all the deliberation and re-
flection which its importance deseivcs.
He would first propose to show that this question
had not been presented to the House in a national
aspect, and he would then proceed to show in what
manner it ought to be presented to make it worthy
of the attention of a government founded on com-
promise. This question, which ought to be pre-
sented as a great national one, had been dragged
down from its towering height to the grovelling po-
sition of a slavery question. Let us, said he,
trace it from its first appearance in this hall to
the position in which it now appears on your
table. He knew that, for great and national
purposes, the acquisition of Texas had been the
desideratum with several of our administrations for
years past, and for these considerations he cheerful-
ly gave it his approbation. But what was the origin
of the present measure for the annexation of a for-
eign power to this Union? It originated in a mere
rumor, stated in a letter from a gentleman of Balti-
more, that the British government designed to abol-
ish slavery in the republic of Texas. Such was the
language of the lamented Upshur, when he called
the attention of the American agents in Texas to the
subject. Such was the basis on which the authori-
ties of Texas were invited to open negotiations for
their union with this country. Yes; an idle rumor
had force enough to engage* the attention of our gov-"
ernment.
He then traced that correspondence, referriag to
the correspondence of Mr. Calhoun, particularly
his letter to our minister in France, from which he
read extracts to show that the object of this annex-
ation was to uphold and extend slavery; and he
then denied the truth of that portion of the instruc-
tions to our French minister which said that the
slave power of this country was the great uphold-
ing power of this republic, and that it was spread-
ing civilization throughout the world. But, tracing
the same subject, he read an extract from the speech
of the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Af-
fairs, and then asked how they were to avoid the
conclusion of which he had spoken. But he stopped
not there in the progress of its history, and the
evidence of that design. He read extracts from
the message of the governor of South Carolina, di-
rected attention to a speech made by Mr. Felix
Houston in Ivtississippi within a few weeks, and
also to the debates on this floor, in the course of
which gentlemen had narrowed it down from its
national giandcur and national importance.
He then proceeded to notice the proposition be-
fore the committee, which he enumerated, which
amounted to the same iniimation that this territory
must come m as slave ten story. He w:^ himself
in favor of the abstract proposition of annexation,
and he was willing to leave the details for the fu-
ture, if gentlemen would deal fairly with them, and
agree that it should be so; but he doubted their will-
ingness so to leave it. It had been said that the peo-
ple had settled this question in the late election.
That they had decided in favor of annexation, he
believed; but they had prescribed and settled the de-
tails, he did not believe. He spoke of his exertions
in his own State during the late canvass, and the
grounds there taken. This being a country whose
constitution was based on compromises, they took
the ground in his State? that compromise must be
resorted to in this matter; but they concluded
that it would be the means of admitting more
free States than slave States. He referred to the
resolutions of the legislature of New Hampshire,
and said it was clearly shown that the basis of those
resolutions was, that it would be the means of
admitting more free than slaves States. He refer-
red to the bill introduced into the Senate by Mr.
Haywood, the senator from North Carolina, and
added that his bill spoke much for the heart, but
more for the head of that gentleman. Of slavery he
did not intend to speak, for the eloquent Pinckney
had done it for him; he had declared that its foot-
steps were marked with blight wherever it had
touched the green sod of the earth. He (Mr. H.)
only took it as an evil which had been entailed upon
tham by the mother country, and ihey must direct
and control it as they best could. He was willing
to enter into compromise on this subject, because he
believed annexation was of national importance, and
that it would promote northern commerce, agricul-
ture, and industnous pursuits. It would also bene-
fit the South, because itwouldgive them the monop-
oly of the cotton growing for the supply of the for-
eign markets. Of the military advantages, he agreed
with the gentleman from New York, [Mr. Rath-
bun,] that the.y were not of much worth. He was
desirous that a. portion of this territory should be
left free for the industry of northern "people; and
when they hail levelled the forests, and established
themselves there, he would leave it to themselves to
establish .slavery if they thought proper; but of that
he was satisfied there was no fear.
Let it be settled now, so that it shall better be
known to the one or the other designing to occupy
this territory, to what portion of it they might direct
their immigration.
He alluded to the jeers, the taunts, that had been
thrown out in the progress of this debate; and when
they came, the language of his heart was to hurl
back those taunts. Reflection, however, had chas-
tened lu«3 feelings on this point. It never became
statesmen, in discussing great national questions,
to descend to taunts, and to provoke sectional feel-
ings and prejudices. If there were those who could
find consolation in this course of debate, they were
welcome to it. He referred to the golden period
when the South and the North stood side by side
as brothers on this floor, and throughout the coun-
try; and after pronouncing a glowing eulogium on
the disinterested, noble patriotism and Virtues of
both sections of the Union, he dropped a passing
lamentation that the South was no longer found in
this position. He now came (he said) with the
olive-branch of peace; lift same in favor of uniting
on one common ground, respectful both to the
North and the South; and then we would plant our
stars and stripes, and they should float over Texas
forever, and march on until they should wave on
the shores of the Pacific m the distant Oregon.
Mr. H. remarked that his time had so nearly ex-
pired, that lie would be able barely to enter on
another branch of his mgument. He would there-
fore conclude his remarks by saying to those who
were true friends of annexation—let them in the
spirit of compromise meet in this matter, and, on
that ground, alike respectful to all, let them consum-
mate this great measure, which should redound to
the glory of our republic throughout all coming
time.
Mr. FICKLIN next obtained the floor, and said
the reannexation of Texas is a national, and not a
party question; and no drill,however rigid, can give
it a purely part y cast. It is proper that it should be
so. Acting, as all of us should, upon a high respon-
sibility to our constituents, 1 trust I shall ever have
the charity to accord to others who incline to a
different course from me honesty and integrity of
purpose, and at the samp time to give a henrtv wel-
come to all who may unite with us for the consum-
mation of this momentous object. I shall not, there-
fore, view this avS a party or sectional measure,
whether southern or northern, but a^ one having
l;as lar?e achuiteras thewiml,11 and coextensive
with the varied interests of noil and climate of our
great and glorious republic.
Now that the bitter and excited feelings of the
presidential contcst are luihd to rest, in vain may
the se:f-cor.stituted leaders of the two great political
parties, attempt to give tone and compkxion to the
political opinions of The m: on a subject which
comes directly home to tlwir "business and bosoms."
"The heart is a free, aad fetterless thing;1' and no
practised hand is needed to touch the strings, when
nature herself speaks in a voice of the purest bar-
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session, legislative document, 1845; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2366/m1/198/: accessed May 5, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.