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47
eral convention of delegates from all the Free States. As
expressions of opinion, these would perhaps be useful, but as
guiding a course of action, they mlight possibly do more
halrmn tihan good. The tendency of suclh assemblages is to
extreme violence, wlhich defeats its ovn end, and there is no
need of that now. If the people really feel the necessity of exerting
themselves, they nmay do it most efIectually by concentrating
in the regular and customary forms. If, on the
other hand, they do not, it is iseless for a part to attemnpt
declarations of whatt they feel, whiici tile whole will not by
action sustaint. Tlie Free States yet Ihave tih control of this
matter in tlheir hands. If they sy no, ty , thinri cannot be
done. f,; on tte other hand, tthy sthow tthctmslvcs willIing,
or even ltxkewvarmt and indiffirent, it will done. I1n eitter
event, the responsibiliity of sustaininLg or defieating the ,valtab1le
purposes of the colnstittiton of ithe United States rests
with t ihem.
And in considering wha t tdalngers are most to be apprehelndedt
, we ve t very reluctantly been driven to the conclusion,
1Itat t ei Itost l i ine ni t of t hem spri ngs foai thle cold
and. ttemportizingloi polic.y f Ir. VNln IIren,I d hlis organization
of politica(l m anattgenttent in txle Free States. And we
draw this itiference not merely frotm the fact that the oppositionx
to the twenty-first rule of the Iouse of Ilepresentatives,
inadet so late in tile dlay by his firiends, lias been basely abandoned
; nor yet fio the fact that three Legislatures of the
great States of New York, Pennsylvania, and Maine, friendly
to him have distinctly refrlsed to express even an opinion
against the policy of annexing Texas; nor yet frion the fact
that a New Hampshire Senator, of his party, haIs expressed
him.selff fiiendly to that policy ; nor yet firom the fitct that the
influentiatl press of the democratic party in the fiee States,
withl a few e,xce,ptions, is eittier sile nt or friendly to it; nor
yet frotmi f the fict 11ttat many of tliose whlo are tlie rmost violent
against (Great 3Britaii in li Cogress, about the Oregon Territory,
are among tihe mlos aactive of his party, and are also playing
into tite h(ands of the Texians. We say that we do no t draw
our' inftrleuce firomt any one of these facts by itself but by pttting
thell all towgether we deem it irresistible. rlThe principles
of liberty, tlie hopes of peace, and of an hontest adlintistr;tion
are not safely to be trusted in the hands of men who mnake a
trade of politics- who bargain one thinr;g against another--and
vlwho are finally ready to sell every tling, rather than inot to
gain possession of p)Xowe r. ILukewarnness now, at this critical
nmomelnt, in a citizen of the most powerful of tile friee States,
is symptomatic of treachery hereafter. Let no suclh meni be
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Adams, Charles Francis. Texas and the Massachusetts Resolutions, book, January 1, 1844; Boston, Massachusetts. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2355/m1/47/: accessed April 26, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Special Collections.