The Southern Intelligencer. (Austin, Tex.), Vol. 2, No. 29, Ed. 1 Thursday, January 17, 1867 Page: 2 of 4
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AUSTIN cití, THüKsSfY ,m.n, 1867.
&. B. SGOTT, Editor.
TtaL« Reconstruction Quarrel.
It is said that " Achilles' wrath"
prolonged the siege of Troy; and
the historian will charge Mr. John-
son with delaying tho reconstruction
of civil governments in the Southern
States, and the building* lip of the
breaches made in the American Un-
ion by the civil war of 1861: At
the close of, the war, on the 29th of
May, 1865, Mr. Johnson, by procla-
mation, appointed Mr. Holden. Pro-
visional Governor of North Carolina,
and ordered him, in conformity with
prescribed mies, to call a convention
" altering or amending the Consti-
tution " of the State; and this was
followed up by similar proclamations
to other late insurgent States. The
President's action in these cases is
only defensible on' the ground that
these old State governments had
been destroyed . by rebellion, and
were not resuscitated by the return
of peace. Because, if the old con-
stitutions" had been revived by the
cessation of hostilities, they would
have been alike valid and binding in
all their parts, as the organic law of-
Ohio or any other loyal State, and
could have been changed only in the
manner prescribed by themselves. It
will not be asserted that Mr. John-
son may. lawfully order Ohio to
amend her Constitution, nor that the
United States may eommand it to be
altered under other rules than those
which tike instrument itself provides
for its amendment. The rational
conclusion, then, is. that these gov-
ernments, in the words of Mr. John-
son, were " laid out prostrate on the
ground," without legal life or bind-
ing force, and as mere wrecks of for-
mer governments might be «taken up
and used as materials only for the
construction of legitimate civil gov-
ernments. It hás been very perti-
nently asked whence the President,
in the absence of national legislation
on the subject, derived the power to
create State governments in the late
insurgent districts ? And Mr. John-
son has told the country where he
thinks he gets his power to order
States 'into existence and qualifv
«currar representation in Congress.
The w«rds of his proclamation mak-
ing Holden Governor of North Car-
olina ares "Whereas, the fourth
section of the fourth article of the
Constitution of the United States
declares that the United States
shall guarantee to every State in the
Union a republican form of govern-
men—I, Andrew Johnson, President
and Commander-in-Chief," &c. Here
is Mr. Johnson's avowal of the source
of the powers which he assumes to
exercise, and a clear statement of
the cause which called those powers
into action. If it were true, as has
been insisted by pretended friends of
the President, that the functions of
the old State government had only
been suspended by the rebellion^ and
were restored to vitality on the re-
turn of peace, then North Carolina
had a republican constitution at the
date of the President's proclamation,
which needed no alteration to make
it such, nor any guaranty of it to
her inhabitants. But the. President
and. Congress did not differ on the
proposition that the 'ante-war State
governments of the South had been
completely subverted and destroyed
by the rebellion, and that under the
national Constitution it had become
the imperative duty of the United
States to guarantee republican gov-
ernments to them. There was, how-
ever, a very grave question of fact
on which Mr. Johnson and the two
Houses of Congressfailed to agree,
and to this' unfortunate difference of
opinion we are indebted for the re
cent conflict of policies, swinging
round, the circle,: and.the perplexing
condition of the reconstruction sub
ject. Mr. Johnson, as we have al-
ready seen, began tlae work of call*
ing States into existence by procla
*tion as President and Commander-
in-Chief, ¿tfc., believing, no doubt,
that these functions united in one
humble individual 7 comprised all
that* the flramers of the Constitution
meant to embrace within the meaning
of the words "United States," as
used by them in 4th section of 1th
Article 'of that instrument. Congress
refused to assent to the correctness
. w V . ... ■ 'J "
language of the U. S. Supi
(7 th Howard, 42 & 45.)
mn>t necessarily def :
vernment is establisliea in
When the* Senators
tives of a State are admitted into the
councils of the UnionTthe authoi
of the government under which they
are appointed is recognized by the
'proper constitutional authority, and
its decision is binding on every other
department of the government." * *-
_ " Undoubtedly a military govern-
ment established as the permanent
government of tlfe State would not
be a republican government, and it
would be thq duly of Congress to
Overthrow it." These were .state-
ments of fact and law so Httle flatter-
ing to the President occupied with
the work of making States without
the aid of Congress, that he took his
appeal to the people, who heard ,the
argument, decided the case against
him, and instructed their representa-
tives to take the work in hand it
once. And they are understood to
have the matter under advisement
now, with a reasonable prospect of
agreeing soon among themselves
upon a just and politic Dasis for civil
governments in these States#
The Division of Temas.
For months past certain of our
Conservative contemporaries have
been ventilating well written articles
favoring the cutting up of our great
State into two or more of lesser di
mensions and better suited to their,
ideas of convenience. We have con-
tented our self with a modest protest
against this measure, and waited pa-
tiently the development of the sinis-
ter motive which we felt confident
prompted the suggestion. A recent
telegram from Washington disclosed
the fact, that these enterprising gen-
tlemen have an ally, on the floor of
Congress. We are informed that on
the 3d inst. Mr. Bundy, of Ohio,
introduced in the House a joint res-
olution having for its object the quar-
tering of Texas, and the erection,
inside of her present limits, of four
well defined and distinct territorial
organizations; one in the north part
of the State, to be styled Brazoria;
one in the west, to be called Bravo;,
one in the cast!, to be known as Sa-
bine, and; the central figure of the
group to be called Lincoln. Not
Kavine heretofore ¿iveil aid or com;
fort to our home partitionists, we fee.
no inclination to lend our counte-
nance to this four-footed project of
their ally from the Bnckeye State.
We are no sticklers for names, and
might be persuaded to swap our mil-
itary machine for a good substantial
territorial government with almost
any pronounceable name for the .ter-
ritory ; but we have not yet made up
our mind to accept the liberal offer
of four such organizations for the
imperfect thing we now have. To
our mind it has too much the appear-
ance of réckless extravagance in the
use of a good thing, and reminds us
of McClelland's promise when he
Should be president, to furnish every
family with a gun boat. We should
like to see the stump of our political
difficulties pulled up radically, but
we think that tfaii can be doüíe With-
out splitting the loot in four pieces
Besides, we understand it is proposed
to establish this little family of in
choate civil governments on a loyal
basis, and we doubt whether there"
exists at present in Texas a sufficien-
cy of that sort of material for the
purpose. We should regret to see
the true friends of the government
injudiciously overcropped in tins ter-
ritorial business, and ^therefore. we
are opposed to having mor^
government of this sort in Texas for
the present. We expect, however,
that the conservative press-gang now
sitting in editorial convention in
Houston will1 eome out in resolutions
favoring Mr. Bundy's plan of four*
cornered territorialization as the best
means of dividing and weakening the
Union sentiment of our State. Their
old hobbies are completely ridden
etion of the
Constitution, and urged upon his
consideration, qr being the more oor-
the the
misa
and it is believed to be their
intention while in Houston to mount
themselves afresh, and this Óhio idea
is just as iikely to take their fancy
as any other.,
The cause of the Staffordshire,
England, colliery explosion has been
discovered. The blacksmith's safety
lamp was found with its
the flame at once
The b:
close to the
danger of
fore, enabl
In this case
to have
ou*Í>UÍ': a
old
whose ibalijp&v end false-
ion, and
d|vera^
youcners, have forjnore
a year past asserted jthe genu-
ineness of their conversion, and the
good faith with which they laid their
errors and prejpdices as, peaee offer-
the altar of liberty and re-
newed iheir allegiance to the Union,
promising ©ijedience to its laws and
respect for its authorities. They say
that since taking on themselves these
ions to mend their fray* and
better citizens than formerly, they
have studiously deported themselves
as quiet law-abiding men.anxious to
approve themselves worthy of the
friendship and confidence of the pa-
triots who sustained the government
and preserved the national life,
against the ignorance and malice, .of
their attaoks upon it; And they
assert that their conduct and conver-
sation has been just, generous and
truthful, and such as onght to have
won back for them' the confidence
and esteem of the loyalists who *re*
mained in the South at thé peril of
their lives, or fled to escape the hang-
man's rope or the aseassin's knife;
and they affect to be wounded in
their sensitive feelings because these
Classes of men are not perfectly rec-
onciled to them and willing to forgive
their past'offences, and trust them in
the future without any legal guaran-
tees against their lapsing into their
former practices. And some of the
Pollard class of reconstructed gentry
have had the hardihood to say, that
owing to the benignant influences of
their loyal examples and patriotic
teachings, law and order have been
fixed on a firm basis in the late in-
surrectionary districts, and the civil
abd social virtues, culminating in
purest national patriotism, have been
wonderfully developed ; while in less
favored sections, such as Illinois;
Ohio and New. York, where the pol-
. . i i •
lticians and. presses were less virtu-
ous and loyal, crime is fearfully on
the increase and national patriotism
declining. These statements, if true,
would undoubtedly reflect the high-
est degree of credit on this class of
politicians and presses, whom we all
know were the mendacious instiga-
dora nf diftafttlttilS 6ÍVÍ1 WW.
V> li'lOO "jit
Leaves and fruits serve to deter-
mine the class and quality of trees,
from the words and *cts of
men we form our judgments of their
characters, feelings and motives. It
sometimes happen that the blooms
which the casual observer would ac-
cept, as precursors of the velvety
peach or juicy nectarine, are follow
ed only by a fruitage of bitter al-
monds. What are the facts in refer-
ence to these gentlemen whose leave?
of verbiage and flowers of rhetoric
indicate unionism, what loyal acts
and " fruits meet for repentance "
have they given to the world in sup-
port of 'their pretensions? /If thé^r
are loyal, how is it that their presses
have groaned under the /fgfght of
leaded columna of coarse invective
and seurriíóas abuse of loyal Provis-
ional Governor^ and their loyal ap-
pointees to office ? Have not these
men accepted pardons for their crimes
against the.Union, while refusing to
forgive its friends for their lifelong
devotion to it ? Have they not bean
amuestiéd under an ofJ Corigress,
' T ' i : • ff 1 r -
while bitterly denouncing then; bene-
factor as an unconatitutional body
of usurping fanatics ? After soUcit-
ing Unionists' recomthendatious for,
special pardons, have they úót stig-
matized their endorsers as cowards
and traitors to the South, uttWorthy
to take social rank with rebels against
free government? Professing obe-
dience to the laws, they spurn the
Civil Bigtte Bill, 8pit on the Freed-
men's Bureau, incite to. the abuse
and isMprisonment of its agents, ma-
lign the national authorities and con-
tribute all in their power to bring
tl(ie GoVern ment into contempt with
the people. íhey. foqp loyalty and
exalt treason in the. peraistent advo-
cacy of the exclusion of Unionists
from Offices of honor and profit, from
aldermen to U. S. Senator. Unlike
Slaul of Tarsus, these secession lead-
ers, when meroifutty restored to sight
and refreshed with meat, have re-
newed their bitter persecutions of
the faithful and loiig-suffering friends
of the Unioiy 3uch men lack the
honest virtues of Sau^ who felt him-
self unwortii^ to ehnm rank with
9 whom he Imd not been more
than those men &ave to dea-
converted
ted his faith by his ;
nal lOVe and deference to the
whom he had éeviled, while thete
regenerated Confederates show |p
their devotion to the Union by their
execration of its dead martyrs, and
their proscription tod abuse of its
living patriots. In their zeal some
of these new converts have asserted
that tHe original Unionists haVe been
transformed into demons of disunion,
while the apostles of secession have
been miraculously transfigured, and
now walk with Abraham and Moses
clothed in the spotless vestments of
loyalty. Affecting a sincere deslié
to bridge therchasm made during the
war between the friends and enemies
of national unity, these orators and
presses of the Wade Hampton and
Pollard school, by their arrogance,
falsehoods and duplicity,'liave labor-
ed but too, Successfully to widen an4
deepen it into an impassable golf of
implacable hate and bloody strife.
And the legitimate fruits of the false
and pernicious teachings of these
madmen and anarchists at heart are
seen in the newspaper notices of riots,
affrays and killings resulting from
differences of political sentiment. In
the ease of these orators tod presses,
Which profess So much in the inter
est of loyalty and good government,
the fruitage of, results .does not cor-
respond to the promise given in the
bloom of their verbiage. The way
to reconstruction of the Union on the
basis of justice and right lies not in
the wholesale proscription of loyal-,
ists, maltreatment of negroes, mis-
represéntátion of national legislation
and. libels on the characters of the
wisest and purest patriots o£ the age;
hut in the practice of truth, charity,
obedience to taw and proper respect
for the government authorities; and
the men who by appeals to prejudices
incite to a disregard of these duties*
are only enemies sowing tares
The Ve^o Message.—Flake's
Bulletin of the 8th inst., says the
Presidents Message vetoing the
District of Columbia suffrage biH.
" is the best written and worst tele-
graphed document we have seen dur
ing the present administration." And
it further says:
. "The argument brought against
negro suffrage in the District is weak-
ened by basing it mainly on the
wrong <k passing it after the
of the District had expressed their
disapprobation of it. The argument
would have been much stronger hat
its main base been the inabilii
opb for thi Nation.—ün tüe J
ult., the House being in com
mittee on the Whole to the Presi-
dent's message, Mr. W «d, of Hew
fork, delivered an eloquent and
argumentative speech on the condition
¿1 wante of Country; and clos-
ed with the following hopeful re-
marks :
I have hope; for the nation, for I
believe it will be just. My dreáná is
of a model tópublic^ extending
jrotection and rights to all
MaBuflwtarcK.
~ " .Herald,,"4
awe]
status
facta which,«if
fcted, ought to
equal protection and rights to all
men from o dean to Ocean, from the
great lakes to the Gulf, that a mighty
' shall ^ise'up in freedom, m
the' inability of
the negro to properly discharge the
high prerogsitive of a voter."
We presume Flake is right in the
premisés, and the President and his
party might have derived great bene-
fit to themselves by heeding his sage
counsel on this as well as other
mooted questions of the present time.
But it really seems like the Conserv-
ative party,' by its blunders and
stubbornness, was fated to coufribnte
largely to its own -destruction.
Ephraim is joined to his idols, and
Flake may a« well let him alone for
the future. In consequence, we sup-
pose, of Mr. Johnson's failure to put
the argument of his veto on the right
basis, the Senate and House, by the
requisite majorities, on the 8th inst.,
passed the District suffrage bill over
the veto. •<
Female Suffr age.-While Beech-
er andPhillips ate eloquently úrging
«orftan's right to the ballot, and 'Sen-
ators Wade, Sumner and Cowan are
conceding the justice of the argu-
ment in her behalf, it may not gene-
rally be known j that in the early
days of the republic, when impartial
suffrage was more in fashion than
npWj the faj|r ladies of New Jersey
exercised their political judgments in
the use of the *ballot from 1776 to
1808; and this right was not denied
to thfm by the Constitution of that
gallant little State until it was
amended- in 1844. An unconstitu-
tional act of an illiberal Legislature
had, however, inhibited! the gentler
sex from voting in 1808, under the
provisions of which they had acqui-
esced. m .hi - ' -i:
• W , :—rr —
How to get Revenge.—The N.
Y. Herald, speaking of the Southern
press and people, says: "If they
Will be revenged on the * Yankees'
we oto tell them how to do it. They
have richer and more varied resour-
ces than the North, and if fhey will
follow the example of the Yankees,
and go to work in cultivating their
lands, opening their mmesj mid es-
tablishing their manufactories every-,
where, they will he able to outseU
the North and the rest of the World
in almost all the productions of the
soil and labor. That ia the way to fo
revenged, sod we shaH take such re-
venge in good part."
nowledge and in power.
The South shall cease to be a sec-
tion and become a part of the nation ;
her sons and daughters, shall build
altars to freedom in her waste places;
the wilderness shall vanish, the
church and school T^ouse will appear,
and light and knowledge shall illu-
mine her dark corners; freedom of
ppeecht of opinion and of . the press,
will be as much secured in, South
Carolina as in Mwne;.,an men shall
be citizens, tod high and clear in the
fundamental law will that charter of
citizenship be found guiding the na-
tion like a pillar of flame; the whole
land will revive under the magic
touch of free labor, and we shall arise
from the ashes of the rebellion to a
purer life and a higher destiny, illus-
trating the grand truth of man's
capacity for self-government; then
Columbia will march on through the
ages that are, to come, her navies
triumphant on every sea, her com-
merce encircling the earth, her arms
the terror of tyrants and the hope^of
slaves, her influence ascendant in
every capital; the oppressed of all
nations will come to our shores, and
free Governments everywhere be
founded from the inspiration of our
example ; firm upon the rock of just-
ice and equality, the temple reared
by our fathers and purified by the
blood of our brothers, shall stand in
the midst of the wondering nations
the miost pótent, free and glorious of
all. Shall this be so ? It is ours to
say.. .
An Unparalleled Change.—
The world's history of changes in
popular sentiment towards ministers
and rulers, furnishes no parallel to
the complete and thorough ohange of
the feelings of the Amerioan people
toward Andrew Johnson, within the
past two grew*. The men who were
his warmest political friends in the
canvass of 1864, were his bitterest
opponents in 1866; and the minority
who voted against him m 1864, cast
their votes in his favor in 1866. The
people have nOt changed, the great
opposing parties of the country are
actuated by the same sentiments and
cherish the same purposes as were
sought to be put ia execution two
years ago; and all this wondrous
transformation is not the result of
changed sentiment of the people on
political questions, but is wholly at-
tributed to Mr. John8on's'unaceount-
able betrayal of his friends, and
strange friendship for his enemies.
A Two Edged Compliment.—
Ttyt Galveston Civilian, speaking of
the distinguished trio of gentlemen
who are known to have recently been
in Washington City looking up and
asserting olaiin to vacant seats in
Congress formerly occupied by Texas
representatives, thus Compliments
Mr. B. H. Epperson:
el
We find
following letter
and _ _
of his own Wwowl
Understood and app!
induce the speedy erection of cotton
manufactories at home to work up all
the raw material produced here :
Galveston, Dec. 18, 1866.
Mr. Jas. Scott—Dear Sir: I have
seen vour letter in the News, and
lake the' liberty of "writing a few
lines fot- yonir benefit. The cost of
machinery before the War io spin
600 bales of cotton per year, would
be about $10,000, besides freight;
but now wift cost f12,000. You will
then want a building 40 feet Witje,
by 80 or tpO feet long, two stories
high, tod you should have á fifty
horse power engine, which should
drive the above with fifty looms,
which yoú would waht after a short
time.
Yon should secure the sejrvices of
a first rate man,, who understands
this busjtiess—perhaps twp or three
of them. I Would then spin yarn for
the New York niarket, and you will
save the 3 pér cent, tax on cotton ;
but you will have an advantage that
ihe Yankee never thought of, and I
Will try to show you. First, you
you must buy your cotton in the seed,
and gin it at the factory, for which
you will deduct ten per cent, or more
—on 60Q bales you can make $6,000.
The cotton tfeed is worth to make
oil $10,000. The value of ihe ootton
spun as it is ginned, before baling, is
two cents p^r pound more than the
same cotton after being bqded and
taken to Lowell, besides the loss in
weight. By shipping ¡die cotton with-
out baling, you save the bagging and
irope and labor, equal to $3,000, on
600 balea, or one year's work. By
starting with a giny many men who
ipre not able to,buy a gin or bqi)d a
gin house, will plant a few acres of
cotton, which 1 think will be the
Common custom of the con«try.
The Northern men who buy our.
cotton suffer a. loss in weight of 20
per cent.; you, may determine the
amount of valne' lost. The expenses
from the gin to the loom in Lowell
or Manchester, wiU average $40 on
each bale, equal, to $24,000^ The
Capital to purchase 60Q bales will be
$60,000, for the Yankee, while you
can buy tlm cotton at much less
amount in hand, because ,you turn
over your money oftener, and some-
times pay for cotton in goods, or
some other barter.
If you conld put in' 20Q looms to
weave cotton sacks for flour, you
could sell every week enough to keep
you in OOtton, and pay your hands;
but you must bear in mind that your
workmen could live much cheaper in
Dallas than they can live in New
England. You can sell flour to them
for $4 per cwt; in Boston it is worth
$8 per cwt. . Beef you can sell at
five cents ; in Boston it is worth 25
to 30 cents., Your employees can
keep as many cows on the common
&s they wish to milk; while in New
England, if they turn a cow on the
common she is put in pound before
night, at two or three dollars ex-
pense. The result will be, if they
come here, that they can live at one
half the expense they do now.
There are many other advantages
We have over the Northern manufac-
turer, and I hope you may not think
my letter an intrusion upon you. If
you should come to Galveston, I
would like to see you, and if I can
be of any service in this enterprise I
shall be higly gratified.
Yours truly, Hibam Close.
jMiiiinry
It will be remembered
Supreme Court of the Unitcd ,Wutk«
*t _lts former term, MnouBc,/^
cisiou p. the ease « parU
ligan, declaring the ilWi;/
trial for alleged cons
military commikion in In"d';,, 1
in effect ordering his dischar
prison; he haviag beei
r8® fros
and condemned to
dead, IntheSnpreJcir
United States, at WashiJ. **
the 7th instant, aIZ?.* *
— n-BBOClite J—i/
Davis resd an elaborate
this esse, in which refere ?4
made to the importance of 0wJ?
the constitutional gusrsntie. fcT?
protection of the citizen in his Z
and property. Justice D,*/?
The experience of our past'
44 Mr. Epperson is working entire-
ly at his own expense, the Legisla-
ture hating refused to extend to him
the behéfit of the appropriation made
for Messrs. Roberts and Burnet.
He ié better calculated, both by his
antecedehtB and habits, to be of bet-
ter service' to thé íStáte than toy
other member of the Congressional
delegation. Intelligent, energetic,
industrious and sober, he is also
frank, fair and conciliatory."
While conceding Mr. Epperson's
superiority, is not the above compli-
ment calculated to make a wrong
impression in reference to the " ante-
cedents and habits " of Messrs.
erts and Burnet ? .
showed the wisdom of the fram
the Constitution in constructing
as to be alike efficient in war *1
peace, as shown in the civil J! W
through which we are jow
f./0™ °f «he
should not be strained to suit
gencies, for on its maintenance^
its integrity depended our Hw"
and free government, not only
present but for all time to coaT
Although the privilege of the *ritrf
habeas corpus had been suape^J
his right under the Constitution ud
laws still remained. He
zen of Indiana, and had never W
in the land or naval service or ia*
tive militia. It was trae a conspira
cy existed in Indiana when the deft,
was accused of participating in it-
but according to the act of Marck
1863, provision was clearly made fot
the trial of such classes of offencei
before a civil court. No matter ho*
guilty Milligan was, there existed no
authority to try him before a milita-
ry commission, he not being in the
military or naval service; nor did
Congress attempt by its legislation
to eonfer such powers. Therefore
the court should order his release
from military custody and rema&d
him to the civil tribunal.
To this all the members of tfee
court give an affirmative answer, and
ako to the second question present,
ed, v?z; " Ought the court to issue
writ of habeas corpus and order hit
release ? ". And they say noiutht
third question; " Had the military
commission the legal right to to)
him?" The opinion review tin
subject of martial law, and condemn
its exercise in cases where the ciril
courts are open and process is unob-
structed.
Chief Justice Chase, for himself
and associates Wayne, Swayo$u¿
Miller, read a dissenting opinio! rel-
ative to the third point, viz.: Tk
about the rtght of military tribunik,
taking the ground tnat they majk
ordered by Congressiona&uthonj
in cases where the civil courts in
obstructed in districts where milita)
expeditions are in progress.
if Fc -■.***- -
A Foul. Murder.— Mr. Calvin
Wooten, a well knowp an¿ peaceable
citizen of this county, was most foul-
ly murdered by some unknown per-
son or persons on 30th Dec. last,
while sitting at his own fireside. It
seems that the assassin crept up to
his door and fired a shot gun loaded
with buckshot, the load taking effect
in the bod^ of Mr- Woo ten, causing
death in a short while. Soon after-
wards the sheriff, Mr. J. T. Heflin
and posse, from certain facta which
in the intervening time had been
brought to light, arrested Mr. Wail is
Carter, a young man of this county
and a neighbor, we learn, of Wooten.
Mr. Carter was committed to jail,
and his trial commenced yesterday
a li r>- • . morning before Justice Murchison.
AN uíficial Account op the Nearly or quite twenty witnesses are
Late Indian Massacres.-—The to be examined on the part of the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs has State, and the trial will, by far, be
received the following telegram : the most exciting one ?vr brought
tt t • IiARAMIB> Dec. 29. before a justice of the Oms
vD BytK ?°gg> Commissioner of ; ouuty. The exciteme^É ^,^igh
Indian Affairs 1 and we learn that the cnam of cir-
_. Indian arrived from Tongue! -¿lüfetantial eviueixce is strong against
Kiver reports that a large party of the prisoner.—Crockett Sentinel,
January 8.
ortunately, in Indiana the judges
were loyal, together with the great
mass of the people; bat it might
happen that a disloyal judiciary
might impede the cause of justice.
Honce there should be the meaos of
affording protection by the miliurr
power. The guilt of the defendant
had nothing to do with the present
decision, which has reference to the
legality of the military commission
which tried the case of Milligan. The
dissenting judges agreed with the
majority of the court that Congrea
did not confer in this case the power
to try the accused by such a commis-
sion, but had made provisions for the
determination of the question before
the civil courts.—Exchange.
Europe in 1817 ane 1867.-
Messrs. Macmillan & Co., the London
publishers, in announcing the "State-
man's Year Book " for 18b i, mwt
an interesting tabular comparison
between the state of Europe in 181i
and 1867. The half century hafi
extinguished three kingdoms, one
grand duchy, eight duchies, fo®
principalities, one electorate and fotf
republics. Three new kingdoms h "
arisen, and one kingdom has bee"
transformed into an empire. There
are now forty-one States in Europ*
against fifty-nine which existed ®
1817. It may be remarked that the
nineteen grand dukes and dukes an
princes of 1867 will be much less
ducal and princely (thanks to on
Bismarck) than the thirty-two *
ruled in 1817. Not less remarkable
the territorial extension of
18
ge
■ , , \ ~ —'j ,~~r
Unkaphappas, Blackfeet and Sansa^
racks left Tongue River on ¿he Í2th
m8t. for Fort Phillip Kearney, and
on the 22d the Indians were discov-
ered near the fort. Brevet X*ieut.
Col. Fetterman, Capt. Brown and
Lieut. Grammond, with ninety men,
«¡ft the fort to give them battle. No-
thing more was heard from them un-
r \ P rty sent out from the fort
found them at a distance of four
v "ng dead, Col, Fetterman
ire command ha vine been
by the Indians. 8
T. M. Patbick,
í Upper Platte Agent.
miles all 1
and his
Wé clip the following from the
Corpus Christi Advertiser of the
5th inst.:
Report sayeth that at a prayer-
meeting in town the other night, an
American fia^ of the star spangled
species was pinned to the wall, we
prostrate as a décoration, and that
one sister objected to praying while
the bunting was in sight. Her ob-
jections; were fcteeded, and the grid-
iron was lowered. This was wrong I
The old flag should have been sus-
tained, even upon thé parapet of
Zion.
superior States of the world. R
has annexed 567,364 square n >
the United States, 1,968,009; Fran
(4,620 ; Prussia, 29,781 ; Sardinia,
! e vpanding into Italy, has incre
by 83,041; the Indian Empire W
been augmented by 451,61t>-
principal States that have lost
tory are Turkey, Mexico, Aus
Denmark and the Netherlands.
Sliggins saw a note lying
ground, but knew that it waS .,
terfeit, and walked on without p'
ing it up. He told Smither^ ^
story, when the latter said:
you know, Sliggins, that y u
committed a very grave offen •
" Why, what have I done .
have passed a counterfeit bill, B1
ing it to be such."
Mrs. Veal, who had lately
birth to a son, was offend"?a a ^
neighbor's inquiry for the heal
her young caff. 0
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Scott, G. R. The Southern Intelligencer. (Austin, Tex.), Vol. 2, No. 29, Ed. 1 Thursday, January 17, 1867, newspaper, January 17, 1867; Austin, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth180081/m1/2/: accessed May 21, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.