The San Antonio Ledger. (San Antonio, Tex.), Vol. 2, No. 7, Ed. 1 Thursday, July 10, 1851 Page: 1 of 4
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TERMS §3 PER ANNUM.
THE SAN ANTONIO LEDGER
PUBLISHED Olf THURSDAYS BY
JOSEPH WALKER.
SAN ANTONIO, TEXAS, THURSDAY, JULY 10, 1851,
INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE
TERMS.—Subscription—Three dollars a year,
invariably in advance. For six months, one
dollar am! seven tv-five cents.
ADVERTISEMENTS—Will be inserted at the
rate of one dollar per square for the first, and
fifty cents for each subsequent insertion. Ten
1 i nes or less constit ute a square. Half the above
rates will be charged those who advertise by
the year.
Announcements of Candidates for office will be
charged for at the same rate as advertisements
Political circulars and all communiciations ol a
private or personal nature will be charged at
the same rate as advertisements.
No communication or advertisement of an
abusive character will be inserted in our col-
umns on nut/ terms.
tive . The colonia* were without an
army, without a and without resour-
ces. On the otfrflhand they had to con-
tend with one of the most powerful na-
tions on earth—a nation which had
acquired the
of the
nated irivii
were equal
her army and'
tin
ORATION,
IMi erred by I. A Pfi.se/tal, on
75th Anniversary of the
Independence.
Feli.ow-C'itizf.xs :—What is the oc-
casion of this display of drums and ban-
ners—thia booming of cannon on the dis-
tant air ? Why this gathering together
of the multitude without distinction of
ago or sex—of religion or politics—nit
with hearts seemingly united in the de-
monstration of some common joy ? It is
the Anniversary of our Country's Inde-
pendence—the celebration of a Nation
■ofFreemen—the (ireat Jubilee of the
Sons of Liberty. From the banks of the
St. Lawrence to the Ilio Grande—from
the rolling waves of the Atlantic to the
placid shores of the Pac i tie—ten thous-
and hills and valleys are this day rever-
berating the roar of cannon and the shouts
and acclamations of more than twenty
millions of Freemen, united in this great
Jubilee. ¡V *
All countries, in all ages, have set apart
certain days as national eras, which they
have caused tobe celebrated by bonfires
sind jubilee rejoicings. Upon these oc-
casions it is usual and proper to dwell upon
.the causes which have led to the establish-
ment of a particular day as an epoch in a
•country's history. Let me, therefore,
claim your attention while I brielfy recapit-
ulate the circumstances attending the
establishment of the Fourth day of July
as our uatioual epoch.
It is now about two centuries and a
half since religions intolerance and perse-
cution in Europe drove many oí our an-
cestors to seek an asylum in the wilds of
North America. Here, surrounded by
wild beasts, and the still more wild man
of. the ' rest, ther hoped i > Ir've ci joyed
that freedom and liberty of conscience
denied to them by the government and
laws of a people boasting civilization.
For a time they Hourishcd and were hap-
py, because they felt not the oppressor's
galling yoke, lint at length their pros-
perity excited the cupidity and jealousy of
the English monarch, who sought by the
same stroke of policy to enrich his own
rollers and to strike at the very founda-
tion of colonial prosperity. A system of
measures was resorted to, (the most pro-
minent of which was that, of taxation
without represen tation,)a 11 calculated to re-
duce the colonies to a state of vassalage,
and utterly to blight and destroy their
prosperity. To the repeated remonstran-
ces of our ancestors against these flagrant
acts of injust ice and oppression, the Crown ■:
a ml Parliament of Great Britain turned a
deaf car. At length these continued ag-
gressions and usurpations forced the colo-
nists to sever the ties that bound th^n to
a government from which they had re-
ceived a series of so many injuries and
wrongs.
It is just three quarters ofcycnturv this
day since om forefathers decked the thir-
teen colonies free and independent States,
i nd at the same time they proclaimed to
the world the startling truth that man is
capable of sc/f government. The canse-
sos and grievances which impelled our
(forefathers to this dire resort, are perpet-
rated ill the immortal instrument which
.lias just been read in your hearing. These
.causes will reach posterity in all time to
come, not through the uncertain and flick-
.ering light of tradition, but through the
medium of authentic and unerring history.
That one government should be abolish-
ed and a new one created in its stead, or
.that a pro*-knee should have declared itself
independent of the government to which
it was before subject, was nothing new.
Such events had frequently occurred from
times of remotest antiquity. So far, there-
fore, as our forefathers proclaiming the
thirteen colonies independent of the
crown of Great Jkitain, it forms an era
the history of our own country, but so
J'-ir a- v assorted inherent and
inalienable rig.':1 ro resist oppression and
tyranny, wheresoever and by whomso-
ever offered, it forms an era in the lustory
of the world.
It is not so much my purpose to dwell
Upon the causes which led to the .separa-
tion of the two countries, as it is brieily
to trace the progress of the new govern-
ment and our free institutio^to the pres-
ent d: v, and to advert to^j^lbest mode
of perpecutting and tranUffmg them
unimpaired to posterity
Let us t .ke a retros
trials, difficulties and h
ancestors encountered
independence of the'
liges they had
colonies then
millions of
country ext
to the Aha
thousand mil
em border nu
dians, whose
scalping knife w<
forth against the'
prompted by rcvei*
lation of "the mistress
army was denomi-
whose resources
and power of
the odds been
less in favor of the mother country than
they were, and had the contest been for
the independence of the Colonies alone, it
i¬ to be presumed that she would
have seen torn from her crown the bright-
est jewel that adorned it without a violent
Struggle in its defence, but the contest
involved principles of more consequence
than dfce separate independence of> the
colonicé. It struck at the foundation of
the riirht of kin«s and rulers to Govern
o o ü3
without the consent of the governed.
. Enraged at the boldness and obstinate
American resistance of the colonies, and justly fear-
ing that if these principles should be es-
tablished, the divine right of kings would
becorVie a mockery, and a by word in the
mouths of the people, the whole energy
and power of the' mother country were
exerted to crush the rebels, as they were
called. Hordes of mercenary soldiers,
headed by able and experienced generals,
were landed on our shores, a powerful fleet
whitened our seas' and blockaded our
ports, and a bloody Indian war was light-
ed up along onr whole frontier. Many a
stout heart was made to quail before this
demonstration of power, and to Hremble
at the roar of the British lion. To meet
all this array of power, the colonists had
to fely upon the justice of their cause,
their own patriotism, and the assistance of
Providence. But they had read how God
had overthrown the mighty and decided
the battle in favor of the weak; they
believed in the holiness of their cause and
trusted his hand. The standard of liberty
was unfurled and her votaries rallied in
its defence. They composed a numerous
army, wanting, however, in experience,
discipline and the muniments of war.
A Washington, a Green, and a Lincoln,
were found to lead forth their armies to
battle; and a Franklin, a Jefferson, an
Adams, and a Hancock, to advise in the
councils of their country. Various were
the hardships, the misfortunes and rever-
ses to which the colonists were exposed
during the licst two years of their struggle.
But, armed in the cause of liberty for
themselves and their posterity, and inspired
I by the truest patriotism, they continued
the unequal contest under all their reverses
and misfortunes with no less firmness and
resolution than at first. Had we the in-
clination, the range of this discourse
would not allow us to dwell upon the in-
cidents of a seven year's war, and which
are recorded in history. Let us therefore,
hurry on to those more important events
which led to the crowning of the Ameri-
can armies with final success.
This struggle for liberty and indepen-
dence by the colonists was not unobserv-
ed by the rest of the world. In every
country there are votaries of liberty, who
worship at her shrine for the sake of
liberty herself. Such were the characters
of a Lafayette, a De Kalb, a Pulaski, a
Rasciesko, and a host of others, who no
sooner saw her banner unfurled in the
New World than they hastened across
the Atlantic to join in its defence. At
length the French monarch, actuated
more by his fears and jealousies of the
growing power of a rival nation than re-
gard for the independence of the colonies,
or love for the liberty of mankind, sent to
their aid powerful fleets, armies and
money. From that moment the Ameri-
can Eagle plumed his wings and^began
to soar aloft, and the galaxy of Stars
shone with a brighter lustre.
It is thus that Providence, in his mys-
terious ways, often acts. It has not un-
frequently been the case that the hand of
the assassin has been made to strike the
assassin. And in this instance the oppres-
sor of his own people was made instru-
mental in overthrowing the oppressors of
our struggling ancestors. ¿ -s
After the decisive battle of York-town
between the combined American and
French armies on one side, and the Brit-
ish army on the other, victory perilled up-
on the banner of the former. The ram-
pant Lion lay crouched in the dust, and
the American Eagle rose in triumph.
However humiliating it must have bfen
to the King of Great Britain, he was
forced to sign a treaty acknowledging the
thirteen colonics .free and independent.
States. The contest was over—the ty-
rant's scepter was broken and among the
nations of the earth proudly stood forth a
nation of free-men. The mighty hosts
which had been so recently arrayed in
deadly contlict, d i sa ppe a re d—the warlike
fleets spread their cativass and'Sought pro-
tection beneath their respective fortresses
on the opposite side of the Atlantic—the
plowshare and the pruning hook took the
place of the sword—and peace and quiet
and plenty reigned over the land once
more.
Thus happilv were achieved the liber-
■
of the
our
ties oi'tiie American people. B
was still waiting on efficient ,
meat to secure the liberties and th
which they had won by their val<
* sword. Each State was
itself and independent
, hut too weak and sparcel
maintain that sovereignty,
it of thirteen sovereign "state
, in numbers
mutual defence and
an exceedingly di
ilousy and distrust existed a
of government previously a
nearly all had ended in licenci
ness or despotism. The smaller Si
re naturally jealous of the
and power of the larger, and the larger
states were not ready to yield up their su-
perior advantages and to be placed upou
a footing of equality with the smaller
ones. Besides,there were local influences
which had a powerful influence in raising
an opposition to the Union of the States.
For a time these dissensions threatened to
render abortive the glorious achievements
of the revolutionary patriots. It was only
by a spirit of mutual concession and com-
promise that our present Constitution and
form of government were adopted. This
constitution has been justly regarded as
the bond oxf our Union, and the cause of
our national glory and prosperity, under
its provisions our country has prospered as
none ever before prospered. In the short
space of three quarters of a century our
population has increased from three mil-
lions to more than twenty-three millions.
Eighteen new states have been added to
bright galaxy. Our flag floats in triumph
upon the Atlantic and the Pacific—upon
the banks of the St. Lawrence and the
Rio Grande. Our rich commerce is pro-
tected by the same flag upon every known
sea, and finds a market in every port.
We have passed successively and tri-
umphantly through two wars with two
powerful nations, in which the world has
been taught that American freemen with
arms in their hands,are uotto be conquered.
Our country now ranks as one of the
most powerful nations of the earth, and
our friendship and good will are sought
after by all other nations. When in the
history of preceding nations, was there
ever such an example of power, of growth
and glory in so short a space of time?
Our institutions have not only rendered
Us great and prosperous and glorious, but
they have proved a lamp to the feet of the
oppressed in other lands and other climes.
The fruits of the American revolution
are seen in the South American Repub-
lics, and in the Republic of France.
They are also seen in the struggles of the
millions for liberty and against tyranny in
Germany, in Hungary, in Italy, in Cuba
and in oppressed and unhappy Ire-
land, who, although, for the present
trodden beneath the iron heal of power,
has the sympathies of every true son of
liberty. Despotism, though powerful in
its expiring throes, shall soon cease its
grasp, and the people of these countries
will stand forth as free, as happy and as
glorious as our own. The right of rulers
to govern without the consent of the peo-
ple, has already, to a great extent, and
will at no distant day, become an entirely
exploded doctrine. Whilst our govern-
ment continues a sanctuary and the asy-
lum of the oppressed of other nations, the
principles upon which our institutions are
based must become more generally known
and more generally adopted.
The sons of Texas, although not of the
original Thirteen States, are peculiarly
entitled to join in the celebration of this
great national jubilee. Like our patriot
fathers, they too have poured out their
blood and offered their sacrifices upon the
alter of human liberty and human rights.
The oppressor's galliug yoke was attempt-
ed to be placed upon the neck of this
people. The principles of freedom were
too deeply implanted in their breasts not
to offer resistance to oppression without
counting the odds. With a population of
twenty thousand, they declared their inde-
pendence and maintained it against a na-
tion of eight millions of people. In that
struggle Texas numbers her heroes, her
statesmen and her martyrs to the cause
of liberty, whose names will adorn the
brightest page of history. Your city is
consecrated by the blood of the martyrs.
Within its bosom rests the ashes of a
Milam, who was the first to offer up his
life a sacrifice in behalf of Texas freedom.
Yon walls of the Alamo constitute the
monument of á Travis, a Bowie, a Crocket,
and their companions in arms, who fell in
that cause which gave freedom to Texas
and added an empire to the United States
of North America. Near to us sleep the
remains of two. of her most gallant sons.
Gillespie and Walker, companions and
brothers in arms, who fell in defence of
the flag of the Union. We weep not for
them. Yon crumblings walls and this
tomb crown the glories of their virtuous
lives.
"To the hero when his sword,
Has won the battle for the free,
The voice of death sounds like a prophet's word
And in its hollow tones are heard,
The thanks of millions yet to be.
Their names are freedom's now and fame's;
Some of the few, the ¡inmortal names
That were not torn to die."
Independence of Texas was finally
achieved upon the plains of San Jacinto,
and she assumed her stand among the
nations of the earth. She has since joined
her sister States of the Union, and is
destined to become one of the first in
wealth and power, as she is already the
greatest in extent of territory, and the
brightest in chivalrous deeds. The Alamo
and San Jacinto will go down to posterity
on the samé page of history with Lexing-
ton, Bunk# Hill and Yorktown. Texas
her devotion and loval-
of these States. The
us sons has been
the flag of the
xd and civil
se this Union
appeased the
by a generous 'sacrifice
■interests. •
as been the history
of the United States,
without a conviction
by Providence
plishiiiíí the moral
^ ration of mankind!
e of the revolutionary struggle
refathers for independence, this
asTo them a foreign laud, and the inhab-
itants bowing in submission to an abso-
lute monarch. Between this place and
the nearest seat of that contest intervened
a royal government, and a vast wildner-
ness, inhabited only by the untutored man
of the forest. It is doubtful whether those
then resideing here so much as heard of a
contest which was destined to give birth to
a mighty nation, and be the means of im-
parting freedom and liberty to them and
their descendants. That royal govern-
ment long since passed away and was
succeeded by the free States of this
l^bu. The Indian has retreated before
the approaching footsteps of civilization,
and the wilderness has been converted
into fruitful fields and the smiling abodes
of civilized men, protected by 'yV CojjVsti-
tution and Laws. Thus has the tree of
liberty, planted by our fore athers and
matured with their blood, an. nourished
and defended by their sons, silently con-
tinued to extend and expand its protecting
branches, not only to the inhabitants of
this remote and ancient city, but to those
of the Pacific shore. The unfortunate
and oppressed of all the world are invited
to come and dwell here in peace and secu-
rity. An Emmet was sheltered by the
branches of this our tree of liberty, and a
Kossuth and his companions in arms will
yet repose beneath its shade. Then
accursed be the hand that shall ever at-
tempt to root it up, or to cup its branches.
If under our Union and institutions
such mighty results have already been re-
alized, what may we not reasonably an-
ticipate from a continuance of that Un-
ion? The present century will not have
passed before this government will con-
tain one hundred million inhabitants, and
the person is now living who will see
two hundred millions of freemen living
under, and protected by, the same govern-
ment and the same laws—a picture of
greatness and power unknown to any na-
tion that ever existed upon earth. A net-
work of railroads will bind together the
remotest parts of this mighty confederacy
and bring into contiguity and identify in
interest,the different sections of the whole.
The different points will be drawn nearer
to the centre of the whole than were those
of the thirteen colonies at the beginning
of our government. Not only shall Ave
have the facility of this rapid travelingand
intercommunication between the various
portions of this great Union, but we shall
be able to transmit to and receive from,
our distant friends in every part of its in-
telligence upon the wings of the lighten-
ing. There are those within the sound
of my voice who will live to read in the
daily papers of this city the aijast/iacment
ot occurrences of the same day ia fifty sov-
ereign States of this Union, and also of
the arrival and departure of railroad cars
from and to the Pacific coast, the Atlan-
tic and the Mississippi valley. This is a
bright picture of the future destiny of our
Republic. Nor is it the indulgence of
mere idle fancy—nor the attempted proph-
esy of an uncertain juncture, but sober
conclusions, drawn from the experience
and history of the past.
It may be asked why we should antici-
pate physical developments, so dispropor-
tioned to those heretofore experienced in
the history of the world. I answer, that
the results here anticipated wo'Uil not be
commensurate wTith the progress we have
made for the last fifty years and are now
daily making. But to the philosophic
mind these astounding advances in every
thing tending to the improvement and em-
bellishing of our country and to the rapid
developments of its resources have their
origin in natural causes.
The first great cause is the nature of
our free institutions which leave the hu-
man will unfettered and free to act, and
which make every man a constituent part
of the government, and deeply interested
in its prosperity and glory. But the prox-
imate cause is found in the substitution of
capital and labor-saving machinery, for
manual labor. The labor thus superceed-
ed, naturally seeks employment in other
channels. "Within the last fifty years more
than four fifths of the laborers in all the
mechanic and manufacturing arts have
been displaced by the employment of cap-
ital and machinery. Witness the number
of carriers, stage-drivers and stage propri-
etors, annually superceded, or forced to
seek employment in other places by the
constitution of railroads. Until very re-
cently but little has been done in the way
of saving the labor and drudgery of the
great mass of the people—I mean of those
employed in agriculture. But labor-sav-
ing machines in this department are now
rapidly^ increasing, and scarcely a day
passes in which we do not hear of the in-
vention of machinery calculated to per-
form the labor of many persons employed
in agriculture pursuits. Indeed these in-
ventiousnow begin to keepeven pace with
those in the mechanic and manufacturing
arts.
When one half of the laborers now en-
gaged in agriculture shall have beensuper-
ceded by machinery substituted in their
stead, what results may we not antici-
pate in the construction of railroads and
all the other improvements calculated to
raise to the highest pitch,our national pros-
perity, and embellish and adorn our coun-
try. These are the true causes of our
astounding progress in all the useful im-
provements of the present day—causes
which are likely to continue with the
duration of our government, and the results
of which no man can possibly calculate.
We are proceeding, as it were, in a
geomitrical progression, each result be-
commiág a new element in our prosperity
and increasing the results. We have not
time to contemplate one enterprise, before
its consequence gives birth to new enter-
prizes still more wonderful. Thi9 is
what we have grown to be under our
present institutions, and what we may
reasonably anticipate if they be perpetua"
ted and the Union of these States should
be continued.
Is there aught, then, that can endanger
the integrity of this Union, and prevent
the fulfilment of these glorious results ?
Settled hostilities and jealousies of one
portion of the Union towards those of an-
other, and the wanton disregard of the
constitutional rights of the minority, on
the part of the majority, will inevitably
lead to its dissolution. When the major-
ity of the people of the several States, in
whom the sovereignty of this nation is
lodged, deliberately trample upon and dis-
regard the constitutional rights of their
bretlAcin, the act is no less oppressive and
tyrannical than is the power exercised by
a monarch. But the wrong1 is felt far
more keenly because the blow is inflicted
by the hands of brethren with whom the
oppressed are equal and co-hftrs to the
same rich inheritance. Such aggressions
will not only justify and provoke resist-
ance, but they will fill the hearts of the
oppressed with eternal enmity and undy-
ing hatred towards their oppressors.
These sectional jealousies and animosi-
ties, which render men blind to the rights
of others, it is found by experience consti-
tute the great dangers to the perpetuity of
the Union, so justiy apprehended by the
Father cf his Country. How cautious,
therefore, should every true patriot be to
preserve the constitution in its original pu-
rity. It is tfiis alone which can perpetú-
ate this glorious Union. Let no man en-
ter the temples of his country, for the pur-
pose of administering at her altars, with-
out clear hands and a pure heart. Thus
we should ever keep alive the vestal fire9
kindled upon these altars by our patriot
fathers. Let me here raise a warning
voice against those who would lightly
trample upon the rights of others, as well
as against those who would hastily
reduce lo ruin the glorious fabric of this
Union. To the former, I would say be-
ware hew you heap wrongs and injuries
upon your brethren, lest you goad them to
phrenzy and desperation. To the latter,
I would say be cautious how you light up
the flames of civil war, lest ye should all
perish in the general conflagration and
ruin. Do not mistake the voice of the
agents of government, nor the acts of a
portion of the people, for the settled poli-
cy and will of a majority of the people.
Whenever grievances and wrongs bear
heavily upon you, in the language of ar-
gument and reason, appeal to the sover-
eign power—to the will of the people of
the several States expressed at the ballot-
box, and if thst will fhould decide in favor
of usurpation, wrongs and oppressions, the
theory of our government will have proved
false, and there will be left no alternative
but submission or resistance. That Heav-
en may avert a calamity so dire, should be
the prayer of every true patriot and friend
of his country.
Upon the perpetuity of this Union de-
pends the happiness and prosperity of mil-
lions yet unborn, and the hopes of millions
for deliverance from bondage. Its disso-
lution would fill the hearts of the sons of
liberty throughout the world with sorrow
and mourning. The oppressed of other
lands would point the finger of scorn at
us for having thrown away a priceless
jewel, and for having destroyed the only
sanctuary and refuge on earth for the un-
fortunate and oppressed sons of freedom.
Despots would laugh in triumph at this
demonstration of man's inability for self-
government.
I appeal to all in behalf of this our com-
mon flag and common country. I appeal
to you in the names of your sires and your
children. I appeal to you in behalf of
the countless millions yet unborn, and in
behalf of the oppressed and unfortunate of
other lands, to rally in support of the con-
stitution of your country, and to preserve
it from desecration. Let not the stars and
stripes beneath which our fathers fought
and conquered, which have since trium-
phantly waved over so many battle-fields,
be rent asunder and trailed in the dust by
fanatics, demagogues, and maddened pol-
iticians. When diseord, strife and civil
war shall reign among the several States
of this Union, if they ever should, we may
then regard the Union of the States, and
the happiness, the prosperity, and the lib-
erties of the people as being at an end.
Let the watchword of every patriot be,
the constitution of our country as it is,
equal rights, and justice to all. If these
principles be faithfully adhered to, not
only will our Union continue to grow and
prosper as it has heretofore done, but our
stars and stripes shall yet wave in triumph
over every valley and mountain top, from
Greenland's ice-bound shores to Patago-
nia's Southern point.
Mothers and daughters of Columbia—
to you has been committed a sacred trust,
which may have no little influence in the
preservation of our institutions, and in
transmitting them unimpaired to posteri-
ty. The first lessons of the youth of our
country are drawn from your lips, and
these early impressions are generally the.
most lasting. The Spartan mother of-
fered up her son for her country's good,
and you at least should teach yours love
and affection for their country. Tell
them their liberties were purchased with
the blood of their fathers, and that this
government was erected by their hands,
and bequeathed to their children as a
priceless legacy which they should pre-
serve, protect and defend with their lives.
Teach them to reverence the constitution
and lawá of their country as they would
the holy precepts of their religion. Tell 1 j
them that the damning fate of the traitor
awaits him who shall attempt to trample
upon the constitution of this Union, or to
irag down yon stars and stripes which
have so long waved in triumph over this
ree aud happy land.
TO the Citizens of Texas.
Fellow Citizens:
My name is before! you as a candidate for
office of Lieut Govenor of the State, an office
great responsibility, and one in the proi
charge of the various duties, of which the
experienced and able will meet with diffic
ties and embarrassments, and trill often fail in
giving entire satisfaction to the Senate,
over which it is the duty of this officer to pre-
side and enforce the rules which that body may
adopt for its government.
The office is one which I well knetttr is regar-
ded by many as one of little importance in a
political point of view, and it may be true, so
far, as the ordinary duties of the office arc
concerned, as mere presiding officer of the Sen-
ate; in this respect his duties are but limited,
and for a proper discharge of which, would
perhaps be unimportant what the incumbents
political opinion might be, as he could exert
but little influence up« <n the initiation of the
country, deprived as he is of the privilege of de-
bate upon all questions in the Senate, except
when that body is^ in Committee of the whole
and only entitled to a vote when the Senate
may be equally divided upon a given ques-
tion.
There are, however other ami more impor-
portant duties that this officer may be called
on to perform under requirements of the con-
stitution of the State. In case of death, resig-
nation, removal ironx office, resignation, ina
bility or refusal of the Govenor to serve, or of
his impeachment or absence from the State,
the Lieut. Gorenor is required by the Consti-
tution to discharge the duties of Govenor of
the State. Regarding then the contingent du-
ties of the Lieut. Govenor under the Consti-
tution, taken in connection with the powt
he has ^ -
in whii
his casting vote upon all questiei
"ie Senate yiay be equally divided,
change and control the
" e great
so
regar! I
I fell
toFed-
that lam not "at all times
. discuss before the people
it but justice to myself, as
toy fellow-citizens whose
I solicit to frankly and freely pre-
cast, those questions
incumbent 9Í the office to which
I aspire, may.' during the next session of
yonr Legislature be called upon to act.
Before enteringupon the subject of State pol-
icy I will state that I hare always been a
consistent democrat; and have never had cause
to dóubt but that the principáis of that
party are- right—tested as they have been
by ten different - Presidential terms of office, in
all of which the Federal Govenment was ad-
ministered in accordance with the great car
('ininal principles of that party—"A strict con-
struction of the constitution of the United
States," and holding the Federal Government
within the clearly delegated grants of power
and repudiating the dangerous doctrine of a
latitudinarian construction of the Federal Con-
stitution.
In relation to State policy, the absorbing ques-
tion in the next Legislature will doubtless
be the adjudication and liquidation of the public
debt.
Tbe meeting of the next Legislature will Ikj
looked to with a lively interest by the credi-
tors of our State, as well as by our own people
in the settlement of this question. It is evident
that Texas will meet with difficulties in adjust-
ing and paying oil'a portion of her loreign cred-
itors, from the fact that at least one hall of
the money acquired by the sale of our north
western territory, is now in thej Treasury of
the Government, and under the joint resolutions
is reserved until the creditors of Texas who
hold claims for which the revenues of the late
Republic ol Texas were 'specially pledged,' shall
file releases of their claims against our Slate
although the General Government has already
assumed the position that she will not place
in the possession of the authorities of Tex-
as, until all the creditors who hold un-
der the special revenue pledge, are paid.
What is the duty of the authorities of Tex-
as, under this state of things, to do 1 Is
it her duty to pay off all the creditors of that
class of claims, according to their demands 1
or is it her duty and policy to fix some general
plan, by which she may be enabled to extin-
guish her debt, and thus release Texas from
an incubus which now weighs her down,
paralizes her energies and stays her onward
march to wealth and greatness ?
iblic creditors
so much as
issuance of
her obligations, with the very liberal inter-
est then allowed^ This I deem to be equitable
honerale and just alike to the creditor and the
State; and should any portion of. our creditors
refuse to accept the proposed plaijt of settlement
offered by the act of 1848,1 beliéve it to be the
policy of the State to postpone their paymcn
either indefinitely, or until time or the develop-
ment of the great natural resources of the
State will make it convenient to pay them, or
that the creditors, by acknowledging the equity
of the proposed settlement, shall themselves
come forward and except of our terms.
Should the plan I advocate be adopted, the
five millions retained by the General Gevcr-
ment I would appropriate to our foreign credi-
tors, and should it not be sufficient to pay the
entire debt, of which however, there is but the
tie doubt, I would propose to pay the balance
in land, at such price as the authorities of Tex-
as may fix by law.
With the five millions now at the control and
disposition of Texas, I advocate the appropria-
tion of a sufficient sum for the immediate pay-
ment of our own citizens who hvid claims fur
personal services, or for necessaries furnished
the government in her time of trouble. This
will be both proper and right, for surely no claim
can or should be more favored than that of our
citizen soldiers, or those who freely gave their
means for subsisting or expediting those who
were in arms for our deience, and through
whose instrumentality, next to that of providence,
was sccured to us the great blessings which we
now enjoy. ^ >
I would then approptiate four hundred thou-
mentofou
sand dollars lo the improvei
four principal
rivers, which amount, I apprehend, if judicious-
ly used, would render those rivers navigable,
and thus open to agriculture and- commerce, as
fine a country as can be found on the Ameri<
continent.
The ballance
amount to between
vest in some active
than thsfive per c
and the ii
be written that the chivalrous deeds enacted
Antonio shall be designated as having
e in Western Texas, or by Western
s only—that the Glorious Victor- of San
in Middle Texas, or bV Mid-_ -•
rather that these wereth^00-
defence of all men deem ho
rties, their honor and their homer
sh to see that Texas, for which, but whe
mere school boy, I lell mv home with a
band, to peril life and all in her defen
suine her position which, if undivided,
certainly attain—the empire State of th:
It is assumed, I know, that a division of thr
will give strength to the South. In this I
concur, for the influence of the large Stat
experience proves its control ling. No one
asks how the States of Dcleware, New 'J<
Rhode Island or Florida stands on a given
~ J but we look to the position "ot V'~
the
m or
equity
tnselres
the
Gever-
credi-
to pry the
is bat the
tion J
New York, Pennsylvania,*or Ohio, and the
is not far distant when our own Stai
along side of either of the great
ed, should she frown down this q
sion. and it needs no prophets
where she will stand divided.
trolaad
ipropria-
- r
to lbreieil
^Respectfully, i
J.W. HENDERSON.
To tlic Voters of the Fourth
Judicial District.
Fkllow -Citizens :
I am candidate for the office of
District Judge ofth Fourth Judicial
District.
I am personally known to many
of you," who arc, therefore, qualiñed
to judge of my capacity and fitness
for the office I solicit. As opportuni-
ty may not be afforded previous to
the election* to visit all with whom
I have no personal acquaintance, I
therefore avail myself of this method
of addressing the people of the Dis-
trict.
The office is an important one, as
the lives, liberty aud, property of
the citizens of the District, are to some—
extent, affected by the aetion of that
officer. .
An extensiva and diversified prac-
tice of móíe than ten years at the bar
in Texas, has enabled me to become
somewhat familiar with the civil and
criminal jurisprudence of the State*
It is for you to say whether my ac-
quirements and capacity are sufficient
to qualify me to discharge the duties
of the office. A judicial officer cannot
know party distinctions, nor is he
permitted to be controled by private
feelings of prejudice or friendship. Ho
is to decide the rights of litigants
according to the principles established
by the Constitution and laws. I can
thcrefoie oí ferino further pledge, than,
if I am elected, I will endeavor to the
best of my humble abilities to discharge '
the duties of the office, without fear,
partiality, or prejudice.
It would be improper to promiso
more; less you would not expect.—
It would be my pride to discharge
the duties of the office in such a man-
ner, as would secure the respect and
confidence of my fellow-citizens, and
consistent with the importance of
the trust " ^
San Anti
me.
DERLIP,
Daniel
Mr. Webster w¡
February. Durii
period of his life
early, and does
m.
Id last
active
has risen very
till—oftener up
N
is
isa
its
after d
of what a 1
, which
I would in
if any better
present shape) of-
accruing, would
n-
I
agita-
ehend
the
here
_ one
led in
freely
Eastern
deep
she is.
pride
added
There
ol Texas
or detract from
I wish, when in
ted to as an example
hieve, that it shall
before 5 o'clock than after it—and
getting through more work before the
majority of lawyers and statesmen
have breakfasted than most ot the bet-
ter sort of them do in the whole day,
In the summer season, when he is at
Marshfield or at Franklin, he is gener-
ally out among his fine cattle, for his
pleasure and health, by 4 o'clock in
morning; and,in the course of the
ooii, he often walks more miles
his gun on his shoulder, or catch-
es more fish than most young sports-
men can in twice the time. His
spirits are generally fresh, and for his
years gay, except when anxious about
the business of the country; his ex-
ternal senses are unimpared; he is as
quick of hearing as he ever was, much
more so than some men like to havo
him ; and he can read the finest print
without spectacles as he could at
twenty. In short, his physical pow-
ers are preserved to a degree most ex-
traordinary, considering his age ; and
as to his intellectual faculties, his
marvelous memory, the promptness
with which he can command all his
resources, his wisefjudgement ofaifairs
his missive power—never so formida-
ble as when assailed; all these are
untouched, and fill with wonder all
who approach him.
Cultivation of Cotton In Africa.
ter dated Freetown, Sierra
ipril, 1851, published in the
tester (Eng) Guardian, says;
will, 1 am sure, be glad to
that a large number of natives
¿their lands for plat-
ing cotton this year; and I have twen-
ty men at work prepar ing forty acres
of land, about a mile distant from
Freetown, for a cotton
Every week applications*are made to
me for cotton seed to plant in the
approching rains. Some of that which
you gave me has
few American!
bl _
Enf
a very
be raised
ony of Si<
ing coun
>)
1 u
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The San Antonio Ledger. (San Antonio, Tex.), Vol. 2, No. 7, Ed. 1 Thursday, July 10, 1851, newspaper, July 10, 1851; (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth179364/m1/1/: accessed May 1, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.