The Civilian and Galveston Gazette. (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 6, Ed. 1 Saturday, October 5, 1844 Page: 2 of 4
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' , SATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1844
The Galveston Debating ¡Society will meet this evening at tho
o'clock.
• Í
ji
Lecture, by Mr*Bellinger. ^
Qiestion for debate. Have',.Orator* been of greater benefit to
minkiud than PoeU.t JA'^eneral 'Invitation i ¡ given
The fetráíj vrlitoh we entertained jorijinjnry to .the cotton
crop from the recent raía w¿ra unfounded. Thi bad weather
appear* to have been confined eicliisively to the country on
the coaet. end having cleared off dry und cool, we learn that
little or no datmge>es •iiatAÍneá by the cotton, and that picking
ia now advancing more successfully than ever.
Although the fact ha. not been officially announced, it is re,
ported, end we'beliave correctly, that Mej. Rilav w^ "g'i"
„ Minister^ the United State., injthe place oí Mr Van Zandt,
who.has resigned:
Finding that the desire is very general to see the
letter of General Jackson on annexation, we have con-
cluded to give it entire in oar paper of to-day. To
the friends of annotation in'this country it affords
pleasure and encouragement, while from the just esti-
mate which is placed upon the resources and charac-
ter of Texas, a* well as the influence she is capable
• of exercising upon the United Slates, the views set
forth are not displeasing to those persons here who,
looking upon the interests of Texas as paramount, and
believing that.they can be best promoted by a separ-.
ate'government, doubt'tbe policy cf annexation.
Nothing, to us, seems moro inevitable than the ar<
• rival of the day, and that.within.'nSvery few years,
when the people and the Government of the United
States will look upon Texas as a most desirable an^,
important acquisition ; and when that day arrives, the
view* now set forth by the sago of the Hermitage,
who will then probably be gone to his rest, wil' be
looked upon as little less than the result of that pro-
phetic spirit with which a not un'pleastng superstition
ha invented old age sinking to the grave.
Tis the sunset oflrfe gives us mystical lore,
And coming eventa.oaat theirfc«hadow« béfor .
We see no* reason,IJhowever, to chango pur own
views upon this question, Every man |of note who
writes in favor of annexation in the United Slates des-
cants upon the great^ ad vantages in trade, Which Tex-
as would enjoy as an independent State. The people
of the Southern States are oven now¿clamorous for a
small portion of these advantages, and scarcely a pub-
lic meeting i* held in the Carolinas' or Georgia in
whicli'the sentiment is pot repeated that the South
will never be satisfied until a repeal,.'or very heavy
reduction of the, Tariff is effected, or the Union is
disolved. Civil wdr has onjee already nearly lighted
her torch to a blaze.upon*this question,"and the South
still nurses the smouldering fires that may yet burst
forth, perhaps to'consume herself, while the North is
onlyscMhedjwe will allow; but presenting therefore
the greater reason why Texas should not bring upon
' herself.the "iáme fate.
' .Qovernmepts arejorganized to promote tho interests
as wtell as,protect the rights of their people; and it ie
llie duty of those in. power to regulate their measures
with a view to the.benefit, per manent as well as pres
ent, of iho¿communities, with ihe regulation of whose-
\ affairs they are entrusted. A nation acts unwisely to
allow either its hostility or its friendship towards -an-;
/.olhejr to. draw it into measures - not adapted, u'pon a
dispassionate calculation or results,' to advance its
oyrn individual interests and prosperity. The ques-
: lion of euuexaiionjwe regard as one- wh'ch should not
be dele'rmined by pi Inferences for one country or race
of people or antipathies 'towards another, but by ihe
effects which ..are to result to our own interests and
condition—effects to be-delermiued by tracing estab-
lished and Undisputed facts to the'ir,natural and inev-
itable results. : >
The people' of Texas are not of a race or age tóbe
f tsfiud to/et dand clothe ihemselveswholly upon the
products of llieir own hands, arid decline airinter?
course and commerce with other nations, but prefer
rather* to 'enlarge their intelligence, their Resources,'
and ihíir comforts,- and pariiCipate.and aid in.the.great'
. mat ch of .civilization and philanthropy,' which) by as-
similating their opinions, their interests,' and ¿heir
feelings, is destined to birid together 'the whole hu-
man family iii peace audamity, and, by the promotion
ofinrlustry andihe proper distribution of its fruits,
' sisat^er cOtafprt and cdnientmént throughout the earth.
ll.is.by consulting áu énlightenod 'self-interest that
nations do most towards advancing these great emJsj
. and tjie simple practice of exchanging superfluities
.for necessaries has in it not uhfrequently as much
practical philanthropy as is to be fouttd in all the
homilies and all the acts of those who have stood
highest as Woefactors of our race.
The natural laws of trade dictate tISat lha superfluities of a
country should he carried lor sale lo that maiket where they are
'inost needed end will bring most, and (hat its wants should
be supplied where the articles required can be nnd cheapest.—
These tnnxuns ure so trite that we almost regret the necessity
which compelatheir introduction here, and yet they seem some-'
timé, scarcely to be regarded by thot>g who are must familiar
with them.
But, to proceed; 1*. i. needles* to nay that Texas doe* not now
produce one aiucle articl" of vdueJbr exportation which is tiee-
dsel or consumed in the Unitsil States, nor does she export any'
. article at this time, a demand for which would be crested in that
country by annexation. Tin* mifh in regard to what we have
to'sell. Now for what we must bay.
At the timé of taking the liut census of the United State* the
number of pereofcs employed in cutton manufactories was 73..
119, and the aihount of Capitul engaged fiiiy one millions. What
the increase in the men end money thn« employed had been up
i JtíWweba'e not the means of ascertaining, yet we are in pos-
session of the fact that while the whole awcur.t of cctton goods
exported liom Ihe United State* in the latter year wa* les* than
three million* of dollar*, the amount imported into that country,
in the faee ofits heavv protective tariff, was nearly ton million*
of dollars.
The presont ta'riff'of the United State* levies a duly of 30 pe r
cent, on all cotton good*, and in asseacing'.the impost, it does not
allow a lower value than 20 cenia per yard to be fixed upon
anysuchgood* a* we denominate domestic*, or 30 cents per
yard on print* or colored good*, although thi* is at least tre-
ble the usual cost andjvalue of these "good* in any of the manu-
facturing countries of Europe,—thus .making tho duty in reality
from seventy to one] hundred percent, [and nearly doubling the
cost of these good* when imparted from Europe into the Amerix
can market. There i* neither sophistry or imagination in this
position. We heard it remarked but a few day* sinco, by one of
our merchant* who had just returned from l^ew York, that, bad
it suited hi* purposes to purchase European prints entitled to
.drawback,* he could have made a clear saying of four cents on
every yard; and we have since heard it remarked hore that
English good* df this description can now.be contracted fur in
thi* market at several cent* per yard le** than inferior articles o I
the kind can bp imported at from thel/nited States. Yet, as we
have already remarked, slihough the prices ofthese imported ar-
ticles are so greatly enhanced by the tariff of the United States,
their importation doe* not cease; but, from sheer necessity, they
coutinue tobe brought in'to'the extent of tenj millions-of. dollars
per annum, and the cftnsummers. pay in duties at least two mil-
lions of dollars far the privilege of using them, being equal to a
.premium of four cents s yard on the domestics and six on ihe
prints of the manufacturers of the United States; or otherwise,
the consumers pay to the manufacturers two millions of dollars
for the privilege of buying European cotton goods. There was
at the time named twelve hundred andjforty factories in the Uni*
ted .States, %nd this sum (which (was undeniably paid for their
benefit) if divided directly among them ¡ would have given about
■ixtbdn hundred dollars to each manufactory, without having in-
creased the cost of goods to the consumer. But if this two mil.'
lions of dollars, paid in duties upon European goods, were all tho
burthen lustaihéd by the consumer, it would be light and easily
|]órne. The imposition does not, however, Stop, here; but ¡J
equally felt, though not always so clearly perceived, in the en-
hanced price of the articles of domestic manufacture consumed,
In 1840 the value of cotton goods manufactured in the United
State* was $16,350,453. We have no later report at hand. The
amount has since increased, a* has also- the burthen to the consu-
mer, for-prices, instead of going down have advanced very con^
siderably within the;last two years.
Upon a question of this.kind a single fact is worth more than a
volume of speculation. Last winter, a company of planters came
to Galveston to dispose of their cotton, pjot being satisfied with
the prices offered hére,, they proceeded with it to New Orleuns,
Where it was aotually bought by the qgént of a honse here, at a
price so much below,'the original offer here, as to pay the expense
of «shipment to this.port, and then place the article inkthe hands
of the purchaser (by whom it was shipped direct for Europe) at
less than the price first offered. It mknownfthut last season Cot-
ton was worth^more, tho coat of transportation considered, at N.
Orleans than New York. ThU is enough to prove that the U.
States.is no; the proper market for the sale of our products —
Again, we are informed by intelligent merchants, that English
prints, can be brought to this market at ¡from four to six cents
peryard less than American, and all other European cotton goods,
except the coarsest kinds, upon equally advantageous terms.
Welhsve confined our remar.kr to cotton goods because the
.competition of the United States with Europe is principally in
these articles. Yet, even with its heavy protective tariff, the
former country lhas bee.1 una'ble to supply itself with many of the
most common and neCeSsary articles of consumption. In 1842
there were i'mportedMnlo the United Stutes, under a duty td ens
hancetho cost, o an average, perhaps one hundred percent,
Cotton goods to the Value of $9.578,515
Woollen, " " . 8,375.725
Liunen •« • " 3,569,184 >
Iron and Steel, « 3.57¿ 031
Hemp, " 1,6^7,428
Salt,- • « 811,572 ..
'And foreign gdbds of every description to the valuo of upwards
of one jjundred millions of dollars. .
" It'may be, politic for a people who have manufactorie* to
protect, to levy dutes and enhance the prices of articles in order
to sustain .them ; but for a people who do not engage, and are
not calculated, to engage in such pursuits, and whose interest it
is to malie ^oods cheap rather than dear, to taj themselves or
consent to he taxed, for,such a purpose, requires a degree, of
generosity or of simplicity sc arcely to be expected at the present
day. ' .
The United States are now heavy importers of the articles
enumerated'below, and,>he;her the consumer is supplied with
the American or .European fabric, he pays alike, in either case,
an advance in price equal to the amount of tho duties levied,
viz: «■ 1"". *-'• " ' „
Woolen goods, not enumerated, 40 percent.
Cotton do.-do., 3Ó¡pr ct., coloféd to be valtied at not less than
30 and pluin a( njt^less than S'O.cents per yard.
Ready made clothing 50per cent' . '
llemp, perton, $'i5 to' $4^). '
• Cables and tprda^e? 4jJw< 5 cehts per lb.
Cotton bagging, 4 a^ uents per yard.
Sail duck 7 -, sheeting 2j> per cent { mauu factures of flax 25 ;
ffax per ton $20. -
_Iron bars per ton $17 ; *do. do, rolled $25; üáils and epikos
3 ccnts'per lb. " . •*■>." - ■ ■
Pli nes,)chissels scythes, knives, Ac. 30 per cent.
Chi.ya and earthen ware 3D per cent.'
. With'tho privilege Deregulating her own foreign trade, Tex-
as may obtain all; these'uitiolen, and huiidieds of others vihich
we have not timo to ejiumerate nt prices . vastly below those
at which they, can bo procured ty the planters of the- Southern
States. Being enabled to obtain their supplies at lower rates
than the planters of the United Slates, thoso of Texaa (provi-
■ion* being also inore cheaply obtained here) can produce cottrn
ata loss cost, and, selling at theeame markets in Evrópe, realize
greater profits^ tl.sn those of the United Statei, thus not only
becoirfing more prosperous themai.lves, but offering addiiinnaI
inducements to people in the United Siutes to emigrate to this
country.
To us. at least, it.seems that these considerations alone ore
suffioient, without any reference to the effects upon our com
merce with the countriesjcontiguous to ours, induce to the people
•(Texas \o orelbr.asei a 'Jte.ind. pthden!government to amalga-
mation with any other.
GEN. JACKSON'S LAST LETTER ON AN-
- . NEXATION.
IIekmitaob, August 28, 1844.
Deal Sir:—I im in possession of your note of the
27lh iiist. and aliliough greatly eufeeÜled by tho ex-
evasive warm weather of this, month, shall «endeavor
to reply to it. ,
The more I h'^ve reflected otr the policy of anne -
ing Texa's to the United Slates, the more decided is
my conviction, that since the establishment ol the re< •
eral Conatitulinn,DO question has arisen oi sogreu
importance to ihe welfare atid safely of the people o
the United Stalea. ll seems to me that in thia instance
as in.the Revolution and our last war with Ciieat Bit-
tain, kind Providence still interposes to help,on our
«.'fforts in the cause of self-goveinment, and tó give us
the necessary guaianty for our indepehdence.
Underihe treaty of 1803,' by which Mr Jefferson
obtained Louisiana from 'Franco, ther people ol that
country acquired the right to incorporation m oui
Union as ample ai.d complete as that possessed by the
original States Grid theiv territories, and all tho carrc%
ponding lights of citizenship and protection. In the
treaty, therefore, of 1819, by "which tho people of
Louisiana, west of the Sabine, wore deprived of the
guarantees of the treaty of 1803, a serious question
arises whether this government can diumemljer its ter-
ritory and disfranchise its citizons-witboul their con-
sent, and in the case of Texas, without-the consent of
France. But leaving out of view this solerrih ques-
tion, and looking only at the consequences .which havp
followed ihe treaty of 1819, it is wpiidetful ilial tlie
course of eveuls is such -as to enable us-to repair the^
érrofs of that treaty, at th'e same timo that wo avoid
doing wrong to other powers, either on this or the con-
tinent of Europe.
The people of Texas have maintained their sepa-
rate existence, and, after years of battle and toil, have
achieved their freedom and independence.jjAnd with-,
out a jtain on their charauter, without violating obli^
gations with Mexico or other, foreign powers with no
restraint ou 1 heir sovereignty other ilian lhat which
has been imposed by their God, they again come bai.k
tons, and tell us that, although the guarantees of(tlie
treaty of 1803 have been withdrawn from them, they,
are yet willing to emhrance them—And the question
is, what shall we gay to them in reply ?
But befóte answering this question, let us see if
Mexico has any right to the territory of Texas, or any
cause for'resisting the extension 10 the citizens of
Texas of the guarantees of citizenship as intended in
the treaty of 1803. When did Mexico acquire any
title to.ihe' territory of Texas ?£The title of France
was conveyed to us, and that title Was then recogniz-
ed by all the civilized world as the only gJod one.—
Did we convey it to Mexico ? We did not. We con-
veyed it to Old Spain, anil she did no', convey it to
Mexico. How, then, does Mexico derive her title ?
Sha pretends to none except what results from the
confederation which was formed in 1S24, and found-
ed on revolution, ih which compact Texas expressly
stipulated that her sepáiate sovereignty was retained.
The overthiow of that confederation or compact by
military force'gives Mexico no title to the territory,
unless she can show that she has conquered one—and
if we examine the claim on the score of conquest, it
is notoriously unjust. That claim was silenced by.the
battle of San Jacinto, after which event the princi-
pal powers of "the world recognised Texas as an in-
dependent State. *There ^is, then,;no'reason for the
lo the annexation of
none founded on any
opposition now ma do l?y Mexico
lexastolhe United States—-noi
just claim to ihe teirituiyjor ihe lryulty of the citizens
of Texas.
We are then brought lo ihe unembarrassed ques-
tion, i« it light for us la possess Texas on.the reason-
able lerms proposed by her? Is it a step necessary
to our safety and prosperity ? I say it is, and as you
have requested my reasons, I will, briefly state tliyni.
That territory is represented by Mr .Thompson,"anil
o.i-her gentlemen of character who have the means of
judging coi rectly, as poasessirig^ some of the tSiiest
lands in, the worlds In soil, climate, and productions
it is said to surpass tjie Floridas, and to equal Louis-
iana and Mississippi. As a portion of our CotiiVder-
acy, then, will it not benclii us'in the same manner
sideratiom I am here suggesting; and hence, you
find thai no pecuniary obligation will be deemed lit
ihém too grea't to prevent the annexation to ihfs coun-
try. The puccess ofour free system, its capacity lo
cure order, to promote the progress of the arls audr.
eticies, and 10 slimuluie the energies of our natursi
a point far higher than any yuE attained under i|
forms of government in the old woild. u alarming
Ire ad.vocuies of motvurchy.\ The further progress
our pi iociples will be a denaonstiaiiun which thepoi
ular miiid ihroúghoüt the woild'caiinot mistake, at.
opposition to these principles is therefore a necessar
part.ofEuropean policyj and.it would be as shot
sighted for u4"lo lake fof granted that a difluí-éiil feel-
ing will control their policy, ssit would be for oneoi
our navjgalors lo embaí k on ihe ocean without chs
or needle, To aid him * in weathering, 6torms and prt
venting .shipwreck, tío settled 4<i I consider this an.
tagonistic feature of monarchy and republicanism, it.
.tiie present state of the woiId, thai 1 would fee!safe
in .inferring wh^i' our course ougfu to be in r.efeietica
io this measure of such vital national interest, b
finding out what was the course of Great Biitain.-
Our position here, a it has been generally herelofoie, J
will be found to be directly opposite lo hers. ■
But why should I press on,you further views ofth,
paiamount importance of Tex'as lo the Unite^Sjat^ I
on. the score of safety ? Every mind conversant with 1
the opei anions of war, and with ihccfluses-whicli git# I
military ascendency, must see from a ghwee
map, bhat Such a genius as VVollinglon's dr !
eon's sustained by naval armaments on ihe o
Mexico^ and on the lakes, and in poases^ioif of Texas, I
with a very sftiall force on land, could, in one cam- I
paign, paialyze one half of ihe Union, dtípiiveüsof I
Oregon, and produce -scenes of servile insurrection f
and massacre, thai humanity would shudder le de-
scribe. This is no fancy sketch—no chinieW of the I
imagination, to fiightuii women and children; It ¡ I
the natural operation of cause and effect—inevitabía
and inesistable.- ^ v
Givo Texas and Oregon to. Great Britain, and she I
will huve more territory on .this continent tliau.the U. I
States. She will surround us from our northern co~
tier to llw southwest corner. Leaving no outlet
us by land, we sh'ull be lileiully embraced in. her po4 I
tent grasp, and'open to her invasion by sea and landj I
at every point of the Unión. 5f
And yet we are told by leading politicians of tbe I
day, that the project of annexation is a mere bubble
blown for a political purpose, to put down one lea-'
der and put up another) and this, too, o'lrllie face of as- I
surances that r^acli us eveiy day—which tell us that
England holds in her hand a guarantee of péace to i
Texas, if she will only withdraw the proposition Of L
union with us. I' am proud to see that ,my friends I
throughout the Union aie treating these foreign mu- I
uaces'a* patriots should who love their country,and aré
determined to stand by it iu all.emergencies without
rugaid to pat ty.
Let us next see, in answer lo your third; fourth and
fiítli inquires, what would be the probable effect of'I
the determination of Texas lo accept Ihe guarantee I
of inoiiarchical powers. A treaty of commeice would I
be the first result, and the basis of this treaty would
be oire of' reciprocal benefit, in the exchange of (he
raw productions of Texas for tho manufactured atti-
cles of those poweis,
England would aim at once to destroy the manu-
facturing interest of this count i y in competition with
her j to do this she vvould be. li.e gainer by opening
her pol ls to Texas; and Texas in her tut u, first, anx-
ious for the payrneul oi'Jiei national debt, would so
adjust her revenue-laws as to give the greatest pos-
sible stimulus to the culture of cotton, and tobacco,
and the development of all her agricultural resour^
ces. Thus her debt would soon Lie*paid, and her
prosperity would then .be accelerated b¿| lh« double
force of European aiü and domestic pride-—unem-
barrassed oh the one l'and by high duties,¡¿upheld On
the other by the deep-seated determination of the
European powers,ttr cripple ihe Unite^J State , and
scatter amohg lhem.iho seed's -oC discoid and jeal-
oussy. w;•■■■.
AmoDg otlief dísad vantage resulting to us fiom such
a treaty between Euglajiitund Texas, would be . the
Bwj f mvi'i .TV '. . wu> utiiiiiu uo 111 11IU DclIIJC ItlUililwi . , , ■ • . • , ,. ,, '
that the States just mentioned, a'iid the other new 1 n^es-'Uty ro estaolish.^ii that extensile frontier such
As «orne of our conntry friends may not comprehend this
phrase, although .o well understood by business men. we g Me
that drawback or debenture is the duty refunded on foreign COods
when re-exported, ahd ia only paid where thejpoods are reihfpped
m the original packages and amount to a certain «um in valiio
KbenmrPe; gU# huVe been b'oken "< t entitled
Gmiral Jackson,—The Loui.ville Journal saio:
'•We have jii.i conversed with a dUtinguighedlientleman
who was on| the continent of Europe when GeneÜl Jackson
made his terribleonthiught on the king of the French, 80mo
eight or te. years ago; and although the gentleman of whom
we speak of was nevera partitanofihe general, he aavaihrn thi
effects of the old chieftainV conduct on that occasion! penetra-
ted to the very centre of Eorope, inspired a kind of awe in
men who had before contend our conntry a fourth,rate pow''
Stales have done ? Have not these States contiibuted
to" the wealth, safety, and prosperity of the other-por-
tions of the Confederacy ? Have they not furnished
homes foi thousands and thousands'of happy andjlree
people,, engaged in the noble pursuit of agiicultuie—
arid have not the products of lhaiagricullure, exchang-
ed',in our eWn and «foreign markets', giyen. heallliful
employment tooiir manufacturing and navigating in-
terests, and to the various mechanical arts? Unless
.the measure of ou pr-o'sperity -is different from that
which ¡4 applicable to all'other nations,'it is impóssi-
blé to resist lie" conclusion., that it will :bé pr.imot.ed
by'the aniiexaliun of Toxtfs.—'l'hisconcliieion I deem
S3lfxeyidenti ' - V
Bn,t great .as are ihitr advantages, of.aunexúiidn in
tho encouragement which will result to our indus'li.i'af.
pursuits—ad vantages in .which.all sections of the Üfl>
ion will participate—iheVr are noi so important as the
security .which Texas,' in a military poiyt.of view, of-
fers us. It is in this aspect of tli6 question lliht j.
shudder when I look at the coiiiso'of ihe newspa?
per presa opposed ló annexatfoniand read the speech-
es,of many public metí—who, absotbed úi the eftjit
to make 5 president, seem' to'ciflre nothingfor the in-
trigues of Great Britaifi' to defeai^our true pol,ic.y.
We have labored fo.T inany years lofree the States
composing our.Union af the Indian population within
iheii^limits, and may be said, to'have just succeeded
hi the accomplishment of,this humane polity. These
Indians are po\y placed orrour "western frontier, and
in a territory favorable to (Jieii^gjadual civilization
and protection ogaitist the intrusiiKi of influences hos-
tile to the.m and to us. At present they aro riot ac-
cessible to Biitish^influence, except on the northern
bouridary lino. Is it not apparerit, however, that the
whole ot our policy itr respect .to their civilization,
will be thwarted if any fore-ign power acquires con-
trol over 1 exas. 'llie line between Texas and these
Indians extends some thousands of miles, and com-
municates with Oregon in the most direct-and prac-
ticable route to the great river of lliat'.territory. Tex-
as, thoMsfnrei in hostile hands, could feed and sustain
an army that could act not only agaiiist Oregon, but
at the same lime against Louisiana and Arkansas, and
by conjunction with ihelmlians couid make inroads
on every Western State to the lakes,—An army ihus
employed, seconded by a proper organization of force
on the rakes, would put the whole west in a blaze,
and cause us more injury in blood and money in six
months, than years of peace could atone for.
The. -sagacious statesmen of Engtaud understand
much better than wc do the force of the military con-
police ás rWuuld'yi eytfnt'smuggling and enforce out
revenue laws. ■ ■ Could.tIfyj bé doiie? All experience
answers, • ntí—it;cannot„lié done. Bolder citizens
having the' same iiiierest io irüde, following the same
pursuit, using ihe-.samtf iji|ánd stieams for the tranp-
porlalion ol their surplus labor,' will "not submit to the
operation of uneqliu!Taws. The cotton 'planter on
the southwestern boundary, within the United Slates,
will not contribute to the enforcement of luw9,i"tha
ffluct of whiyh mulitis his labor less profitable than
thaf of hta neiglitór hi TcXasjiind what is true of cot-
toii vyill be. ti uv of all other agrioultu'ral -prudncts.— .•
wise heavily. íáxtd. , ., 7. ...
1 know that many of our citizens suppose lhalhhe
annexation of Texas will be injurious, because it will
add to the quantity of valuable lands ih market, aftd
may be thearieaus ot inducing lha removal of many
of our slaves to that favored regi,,,í. I grant tbat ibis
is true 10 some extent: .But dofis it .not increase the
arguments-iii -lu-vor ol'annvxatioii? If Texas has an
advantage-ill cheapness of lurid, salubrity of ciimale'.i
Ipiirn i r ■VfiiM.'.Ai'! ... ' * 'a' .
our oouthern
and . convenience of navigation, over „u. ooutnern
Statos, ra it not better for the citizen*of (he-United
States to possess this advantage than surrender it to
the citizens of Europe ? In the hands uf Great Bri-
tain,.this advantage will be improved, as we have seen
o break up our ma nú factures and lessen our capacity
to compete with her ir. the supply uf other markets
and 111 llie currying trade. J,/other words, will
lexas, out of our Union, be a more favorable comupi
itnr than she. wo-uUI be.*' it ? The iron and coal re-
gions of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky and
Í ennessee, ll she* is in the Union, will find a mtfrki't
there—so will the Lowell and other cotton mant '
lutes of the North Atlantic .side of ou, uJ
immense powér t^f our inland trade, the 1
our seamen, and the source ofso much W
htid employment in lexas, if she isih the 1
she is out ot the Union, British #\ulicy rr/a'v
lize all these advantages. ,, /J!
, }V* a„re, ala,J tol(J by some wbo uroft
behalf of the sugar planters in Louisii.,™
must not come into ihe Union, for if iha
Will fall. 11 the fact were so, does iM
!TTh-,SU,t;r,eby ,aff°rded for ther,
as I 1 his m ould only prove to the vast
","1 t«xm mJiT,
w'uu St w! íu •«"«-wat i
lain ^ e know that the production i
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The Civilian and Galveston Gazette. (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 6, Ed. 1 Saturday, October 5, 1844, newspaper, October 5, 1844; Galveston, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth177323/m1/2/: accessed May 13, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.