The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Volume 85, July 1981 - April, 1982 Page: 121
497 p. : ill. (some col.), maps, ports. ; 23 cm.View a full description of this periodical.
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Origins of the Parr Machine 121
county from the mid-188os through the first few years of the new cen-
tury. As the Republican party, or La Bota, and the Democratic or-
ganization, or El Guarache, fought to a draw, political power brokers
regularly switched sides. In addition, a sizable body of Mexican stock-
men, farmers, and artisans remained independent of employer control.
Personal loyalties and even bribery might still determine how they
cast their ballots, but they did not necessarily vote consistently for the
same party. Racial antagonism also complicated local politics. Unlike
their counterparts closer to the Rio Grande, many of the American
and European settlers in Duval County shunned the Mexican culture
and refused to assume paternalistic responsibilities for their workers.
The lynchings of Mexicans charged with rustling heightened tensions.
The Anglo political leaders contributed to this racial alienation by
allotting Mexican-Americans only token representation in county
government through the mid-189os. Before 1898, Mexicans occupied
only three county-wide offices: assessor of taxes for four terms, inspec-
tor of hides for two terms, and county judge for one term. Only once,
in 1892, did they hold more than one seat on the five-man commis-
sioners' court. In 1888, a veteran politician reported "how intensely
bitter the feeling has been against the Gringo's [sic]." This kind of
ill-will had no serious political consequences in the nineteenth cen-
tury, but it laid the foundation for future political alignments.3
Conflicting personal ambitions, and little else, accounted for the
political battles in Duval County. Both sides favored low taxes and
the promotion of schemes like railroad construction that would stim-
ulate development. Nor did racial and class differences separate the
two parties. Although the business community of San Diego provided
solid backing for the G.O.P., the Republicans and Democrats alike
drew their leadership from the ranks of the successful Anglo and
European ranchers, merchants, and professional men. By the turn of
the century, both parties had made concessions to the Mexican popula-
tion, who now claimed a larger share of the county offices.4 Only with
3Louis P. Bryant to James B. Wells, Mar. 1, July 5, 1886; James O. Luby to Wells, Oct.
24, 1888 (quotation), James B. Wells Papers (Archives, University of Texas Library, Aus-
tin); Dallas Morning News, Aug. 19, 1911; Texas, Secretary of State, Biennial Report of
the Secretary of State of the State of Texas, 1886 (Austin, 1886), 38, 148; ibid., Z89o (Aus-
tin, 1890o), 123; ibid., 1892 (Austin, 1893), 16o; ibid., 1894 (Austin, 1895), 3o9; ibid., 1896
(Austin, 1897), 150; ibid., 1898 (Austin, 1899), 121; Lynch, The Duke of Duval, 9, 10, 13.
4Corpus Christi Weekly Caller, Dec. 9, 19o4; Texas, Secretary of State, Biennial Report
of the Secretary of State of the State of Texas, 1898, p. 121; ibid., 19oo (Austin, 1900oo), 175;
ibid., 19o2 (Austin, 1903), 81; ibid., 1904 (Austin, 1904), 116; Lynch, The Duke of Duval,
9, 10, 12.
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Texas State Historical Association. The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Volume 85, July 1981 - April, 1982, periodical, 1981/1982; Austin, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth101208/m1/155/: accessed April 30, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting Texas State Historical Association.