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Vol. XLVIII
WASHINGTON: SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1847.
No. 6
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PUBLISHED BY GALES & SEATON.
THRICE A WEEK.
SIX DOLLARS A TEAR-EATABLE IK ADTAKCE.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 1847.
The Richmond Enquirer shows, in respect to the
exclusion of the Editor of the “ Union” from the
privileged seats of the Senate, a feeling which is so
far from being unnatural that we do not see how
any one can find fault with it. Certainly we do
not. But in its desire to excite a sensation on the
subject, it has fallen into a strange error when it
says that “ the expulsion of the Editor of the Union,
‘ or of any Editor, has, in effect, asserted the right
‘ of that body to deprive not only a citizen, but the
‘ selected [selected by whom ?] agent of millions of
‘ American freemen, from hearing their sentiments
‘ and viewing their conduct on that floor. If the
‘ people of any party, faction, or clique can submit
‘ to this, then we may say we have underrated their
‘ love of liberty and equality,” &c.
At a meeting, also, of the party of the Enquirer,
held in the city of Richmond, we observe a resolu-
tion published as adopted, in reference to the same
incident, which declares that “ every attempt to
‘ trammel the press in a fearless expression of
‘ opinion in regard to public men and measures,
‘ ought to receive the most prompt and decided
‘ condemnation.”
We had thought of making a plain statement of
the entire misapprehension which runs through all
these protests against the interference with the lib-
erty ol the press, &c.—and of saying that, had the
Senate attempted to exclude any individual deport-
ing himself peaceably and respectfully from the
common privilege of other citizens to attend in its
galleries when open to the Public, we should have
protested against it as earnestly and as loudly as
any body.
We are saved the trouble of doing what we pro-
posed, however, by the timely admission of the
Editor of “ the Union ” himself, in his last paper,
that this notion of his being debarred from any pri-
vilege or right common to all the People is altoge-
ther groundless and fanciful. We quote from his
paper as follows :
“ If we desire to witness any of the proceedings
‘ [°f the Senate] or to hear any of their speeches,
* we coo repair to the ‘ people’s gallery,’ whence
‘ we can scarcely presume the Sergeant-at-Arms
‘ will be further authorized to exclude us.”
TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS.
SECOND SESSION.
U. S. SENATOR FROM KENTUCKY.
On the 12ih instant the Hon. Joseph R. Under-
wood was elected a Senator of the United States
from the State of Kentucky, to serve for six years
from the 4th of March next, to succeed the Hon.
.Tames T. Morehead, who was not a candidate for
re-election.
The Kentucky “ Commonwealth,” in announcing
the result of this election, says :
“ Judge Underwood is familiarly known to the Whigs of
the Union, having served for many years as a Representative
in Congress from the Bowling-green district. He is an able
and zealous Whig, a gentleman of unquestionable patriotism,
of great experience in public affairs, and in all things qualified
to discharge the high trust confided to him by the Represen-
tatives of the people of Kentucky.”
FROM MEXICO, via HAVANA.
A late arrival at Charleston furnishes the follow-
ing items from Mexico :
Santa Anna is still at San Luis Potosi at the head of
22,000 men.
The clergy have refused to contribute the $8,000,000 at-
tempted to be raised from them; they are much excited
against Santa Anna, and are endeavoring to get up pronun-
ciamentos against him.
The whole Cabinet of Santa Anna are reported to have
resigned. Great jealousies exist among the different Generals
in the Mexican army, and consequently much confusion and
disorganization prevails.
• 'V era Cruz is garrisoned by 3,000 troops, dispirited, and ex-
pect the city to be attacked by the Americans on the 2d of
February. The best informed think the resistance which
will be made by the garrison will he feeble, and it will fall an
easy conquest. In the Castle there are only 1,000 men, and
badly supplied with provisions, the chief dependence being on
Vera Cruz for supplies.
Many vessels laden with valuable cargoes have run the
blockade, and entered different ports of Mexico ; some ten
have left Havana for Alvarado and Tuspan in the last month.
A large French ship, With a valuable cargo, has been recent-
ly captured, after having been warned off once for a second
attempt to enter.—News.
The Famine in Ireland is drawing forth contributions
from every quarter. The Officers and Cadets of the United
States Military Academy at West Point have sent three hun-
dred dollars to the relief fund.
At the meeting at the Tabernacle, in New York, on Mon-
day evening, James Wadsworth, Esq., of Genesee, who
was present, subscribed one thousand bushels of corn—the
farmer’s wealth, with the farmer’s liberality. Mr. M. H.
Ghinnell, who was present, immediately declared that he
would convey the corn freight-free—thus adding in effect
$500 more (for the freight costs 50 cents a bushel) to the libe-
ral subscription of $500 by the house of Grinnell, Min-
turn & Co.
IEUT. ol. Fremont. This distinguished young officer
is, we believe, a nalivc of Charleston ; and we perceive that
the citizens of that place—justly appreciating the services of
their gallant townsman, young in years, but old in honorable
achievement—are about to present him with a sword as a
mark of their respect and admiration.
From S anta k e. Mr. Merritt, one of a company of thirty
who started from New Mexico on the 2d of last November,
has recently arrived at Boonville, Missouri. He says several
of their company were badiy frost-bitten, and three perished.
The names of the men frozen to death were Bartlett, Long,
and Thomason, from Buchanan county.
The company came in on foot, and were fifty-seven days
on the route—about four hundred miles of the journey through
snow eight inches deep.
Pile volunteers were selling their Government checks in
Santa Fe at 25 per cent, discount.
l^e doing skeleton, who has been recently ex-
hibited at the Museum in New York, died in that city on
Saturday night of some pulmonary affection. His brother,
Calvin Eason, who was several years ago exhibited as the
living skelet >n, wasted away so that he, like the Doctor, be-
came literally nothing but skin and bone. The leanness was
not a characteristic of the family, for, except in the case of
the two brothers, the other members of the family were rather
fleshy.
. The Liverpool Albion gives a glowing account of a recent
invention by an English naval officer, for traversing the sur-
face of the water. The writer supposes that, furnished with
this newly invented apparatus, which appears to be a sort of
dress, a man may board a ship in the river, or elsewhere,
with litlfo trouble, however high the waves or wind and
though the ship should he under full head way. It fo SUg_
gested that it will be an invaluable arrangement for the news-
paper offices,-who, by the use of this invention, may obtain
their foreign files and all news with very little trouble or ex-
pense, when the ship is detained off port.
Thursday, February 18, 1847.
IN SENATE.
Reports from committees were made as follows :
By Mr. WE8TCOTT, from the Committee on Patents :
A bill for the relief of the legal representatives of Uri Emmons.
Also, from the same committee, a bill for the relief of Oliver
C. Harris.
Mr. YULEE, on leave, introduced a bill in addition to an
act to establish a court at Key West, in the State of Florida.
On motion of Mr. YULEE, the Senate proceeded to con-
sider the bill in Committee of the Whole ; and no amend-
ment having been offered, it was ordered to a third reading ;
and was, by unanimous consent, read a third time and passed.
The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of the
THE THREE MILLION BILL.
Mr. BUTLER said that he approached the discussion of
this subject with an embarrassment which he had in vain at-
tempted to throw off; but he would nevertheless endeavor to
redeem the pledge he had given yesterday, by confining his
remarks within as narrow limits as practicable : for, upon re
flection, he was much more disposed to hear the remarks of
others than to undertake to make any suggestions of his own.
This war, (continued Mr. B.) and the propositions which
have been made for terminating it, have brought up subjects
lor the consideration of this body which, view them in what-
ever aspect you may, are calculated to involve us in the most
perplexing difficulties. My own mind, sir, has not been re-
lieved by any thing that has yet been proposed ; and, when I
say this, I am sure it will be evident that any thing which I
can say cannot be expected to remove the difficulties or relieve
the apprehensions which exist in the minds of others. Until
I had determined to make a few remarks in relation to these
matters, I had not fully realized the magnitude of the subject
in all its bearings. We are in the midst of a war. It has its
horrors, its calamifies, its hazards. These are inseparable
from all wars, and I do not know but I might contemplate the
hazards and calamities of thik war as I would the hazards and
calamities of any other ; but, when I turn to another view of
this subject, I am myself appalled. I wish, sir, that I could
look to peace for any relief. We are engaged in this war,
and at this very moment, whilst our countrymen, our friends,
our kindred, are some of them engaged hi the perils of battle,
and some of them subject to the hazards of going there, amidst
the storms which prevail upon a dangerous coast, instead of
finding any relief from any of the suggestions which have been
made here for obtaining an honorable and safe peace, I find
no such prospect presented to me. If the admonitions we have
heard (and they have come from impolShg sources, from
sources entitled to our respect) are to be regarded, peace with
Mexico will bring with it nothing but abiding strife at home ;
there will be more imminent peril in peace itself than there is
danger in war, viewed in any form in which you choose to
regard it. God grant that these perils may be averted! It is
an occasion, sir, which calls for union, which demands the
exercise of justice, wisdom, and moderation ; which calls for
a spirit of compromise from every quarter of this country. It
is an occasion which requires that ali these influences should
be united for the protection of the institutions and the interests
of this country ; and yet what do we find ? Discord mingling
in our councils; cabals and parties arising and proclaiming
that they are ready to break down the temple of our liberties
unless the terms of a peace prescribed by the suggestions of
fanaticism or ambition be acceded to. Under these circumstances,
whether I look to war or peace, it is with scarcely an expec-
tation that we shall avoid the perils to which I have alluded,
although I may be permitted to indulge the hope that they may
be averted. In a Republic like this ; in the midst of the agi-
tations of a free, active, and progressive public opinion, we
must expect to encounter some of the hazards which are inci-
dent to the stability of our glorious institutions. We must
meet those hazards, and withstand them as we can. We must
endeavor to lay aside our animosities, and unite with a firm
determination to support those institutions which are guaran-
tied to us by our constitution. Justice to ourselves demands
that we should endeavor, as far as practicable, to maintain in-
violate the liberties and privileges which, under our form of
government, we are entitled to enjoy, and not to suffer a vio-
lation of them in any form whatever. I am here—I may say
it without disguise and without hesitation—not as a partisan,
but as one who looks only to the best interests of this widely-
extended country. I have no favor to ask from party ; no
aspirations to gratify, so far as I know myself, beyond the per
formance of the duty which I owe to the country ; and cer-
tainly, if it should be supposed that I came herewith any pre-
meditated aversion to the President of the United States, it is
a mistaken supposition. My only endeavor is to pursue a
straightforward course in the performance of my duty ; and,
iu doing that, I will do that justice to the present Administra-
tion which it is entitled to claim. And when this war is de-
nounced, as it has been, as illegal in its origin, unjust, in its
objects, and mischievous in its consequences, I must say this
much for the President, that, although, as far as its immediate
origin is concerned, he may have been instrumental in preci-
pitating or hastening its inception, yet, as far as its conse-
quences are concerned, he cannot, in- my apprehension, be
held to be responsible. The odium and the responsibility for
this war should not be thrown upon him. I cannot undertake
to specify precisely what were the remote or immediate causes
of the war ; but I know one thing—it has been recognised,
sanctioned, or, if you please, declared in the most solemn
manner, by this Legislature ; and, if a majority of the Legis
lature of this nation have adopted the war, it does seem to me
to be no move than right and proper that the Legislature should
share in all the responsibility attached to it. I do not under-
take to indicate the causes of the war, because I think it would
be but just, believing as I do that Mexico was in fault, to for-
bear from taunts and accusations which can be of no avail. I
feel the force of the admonition—
“ Beware of entrance to a quarrel; but, being in,
Bear it that the opposer may beware of thee.”
Or again—
“ Give thy thoughts no tongue.
Nor any unproportion’d thought his act.”
For, if we are in a war, I can see no good purpose that is to
be accomplished by advertising our enemies what shall be our
ultimate determination in relation to it. I think it impolitic
and unwise, and; so far therefore as we can indicate our ulti-
mate purposes, they are already clamorously sounded in the
hearing of Mexico herself. I think the President, thus far,
has shown himself entitled to the indulgent consideration ol
this body. He was placed in difficult circumstances. He was
called upon to occupy and hold the territory of Texas—a ter-
ritory which had been ceded, under peculiar circumstances,
without a definite boundary; but the instructions to the Presi
dent were obligatory upon him to take possession of it as the
representative of the nation, and in taking such possession he
had to run ail the hazards of collision with the enemy—an
enemy which had disputed not only the right of the Republic
from which we claim the title to cede such title, but disputed
the title itself to any part of the territory. How was the Pre-
sident under these circumstances to proceed? For I will en-
deavor to do him justice, and no more than justice If he
placed himself at this side of the Sabine, it would not have
satisfied that Government which was claiming all the territory
of Texas, or rather that people that were claiming it; for they
had no responsible Government that could take cognizance of
this matter. No matter, then, what position the President
had taken, his position would have been disputed. Here we
have the extraordinary circumstance of one Republic making
a grant of all her territory to another, and that other, on tak-
ing possession of the grant, finds itself involved in an unfortu-
nate quarrel with another Government. But, as I have said,
I do not wish to enter into the causes which produced the war,
because, to do so, would be not only unavailing, but impolitic
1 cannot see any good that is to be obtained by it. I am not
disposed to go beyond the declaration that was made in the
solemn form that I have stated that war existed. I do not
care to go beyond that act of this legislature which put into
the hands of the President ten millions of dollars, and gave
him fifty thousand troops; which put into his hand the sword,
and directed him to use it. After aU this, what are we to ao?
And this brings me to the consideration of those suggestions
which seem principally to be involved in the bill now upon
your table. What does that bill propose ? For 1 intend to
speak directly in reference to the matter before you, and to pass
by those things which have no legitimate bearing on the de-
cision of this question. What is this 'measure ? Why it is
a measure purporting to be a proposition for obtaining a speedy,
honorable, and, I hope I may add, a safe peace.
Now, looking at the question in one aspect, as it concerns
our relations with a hostile Government, I would have very
little difficulty in determining what we ought to do : but view-
ing the matter in another aspect, viewing it as it regards its
consequences upon our own domestic institutions, it brings up
the subject, it presents considerations of greater moment, the
agitation of which, beyond all others, will be attended
with the greatest difficulty and danger. But if this be a mea-
sure for peace, I would take the alternative presented by the
honorable Senator from Maryland. I would much prefer that
the issue of the war should be an honorable peace voluntarily
made by the people of Mexico. I would not have a peace
extorted from her under duress or at the point of the bayonet.
It should be voluntary, though I do not know that if a peace
were extorted from Mexico, it would be a subject of historical
reproach to us ; hut it would be an event much to be deplored
if we were compelled to march our army to the city of
Mexico, and there, making them pass under the yoke, dictate
a peace to a free people—I say it would be unfortunate, as far
as regards its stability, for you would find it difficult to pro-
cure a peace under submission to our arms upon which we
could depend. They would for the time recognise our power,
but can it be expected that a people having home attachments,
a people professing to be identified with the soil upon which
they live—can it be expected that such a people would keep
a peace which was forced upon them; a peace which was un-
willingly extorted ? Sir, it would be no peace. It would be
the form of peace, and the form only ; and would be observed
no longer than the people of that country were disposed to
observe it; no longer than when they discovered it could, be
broken with impunity. I am far from desiring any such re-
sult. Another thing I will say. Let the heroic young ad-
venturers of this country once look upon the fair fields of Mex-
ico, and it will be in vain to attempt to restrain them. It will
be as vain as to attempt to restrain the young eagle from re-
turning to the carnage upon which it has once feasted. If
you ever undertake to dictate the terms of peace, you wiilfind
it impossible to do so without leaving upon the minds of that
people an abiding mortification from which nothing can relieve
them short of renewed warfare. I desire no such result.
I have always looked upon patriotism as being somewhat
connected with the institutions of one’s country. I have al-
ways considered that it had something to do with the preser-
vation of those institutions. I regard this love of country as
one of the most beautiful sentiments that can animate the hu-
man breast. And I have always admired the spirit in which
Bernadotte, when called upon, as one of the sovereigns allied
with Napoleon in his campaign, to use all his powers in the
furtherance of the plans contemplated in that campaign, upon
arriving at the confines of France, refused to invade his native
soil. Sir, I would not desire that any people professing to
be a nation should have their national character obliterated;
and least of all would I desire that that act of obliteration
should come from a Republic like ours, professing to act under
free institutions, and whose interest it is to maintain and pre-
serve similar institutions wherever they may exist. In this
view, therefore, I should regard it as a great misfortune that
we should be compelled to carry our military operations so
lar as by force of arms to extort from Mexico such a peace as
the hearts of her people would not willingly preserve.
But take the other alternative. Suppose this proposition
should he made in plain terms to Mexico : We are engaged in
a war; you owe our citizens money which you have hitherto
been unable to pay, and it only remained for us to appeal to
the sword. We are now going to compel you to satisfy our
claims. The Mexican people, exhausted by this protracted
war, say that they are still less able than before to satisfy
those claims. Very well. If you cannot do it, the simple
proposition is, We will not only assume the payment of the
claims of our citizens, hut, besides that, we are willing to give
in advance three millions of dollars more, in consideration
that you will cede to us such territory of yours as will be of
some advantage to us, without at all interfering with your own
interests. Now, it is difficult to discuss a proposition of this
kind ; for we are speaking of it as only one of the parties in-
terested. I cannot say that Mexico will he disposed to cede to
us any portion of her territory ; but I am inclined to think that,
if this money had been placed in the hands of the President
last session, it would have done more towards securing a peace
than all that your army has effected. I would place it
then in his hands ; not, sir, for the purposes of bribery—not
to be used for the purpose of corrupting the leaders of the
Mexican armjq as has been insinuated, but for the purpose of
paying, if they desire it, the expenses of their army. The
President may say to the Government of Mexico, you shall
have this money to pay your troops in consideration of some
territory that you are willing to spare. I believe'this would have
had more effect towards procuring a peace than all the war
operations that you have carried on. I firmly believe it. I
am for having a spontaneous peace—a peace corning from a
free people, without coercion. Such a peace would be much
more accordant with our own policy—a policy founded in
wisdom, for it would be more permanent. I know that other
suggestions, other counsels may be pursued, but I am inclined
to think that the dangerous consequences arising from those
counsels may not be seen, may not be sufficiently apparent
until it is too late to avert them. Yes, I am inclined to think
that every day we prosecute this war these mischiefs will in-
crease. If peace had been concluded in a few months after
the battles upon the Rio Grande of the 8th and 9th of May,
at the time when you put at the disposal of the President
fifty thousand troops and ten million dollars, I do not doubt,
I think there is no doubt on the minds of the people, that we
should have had peace, and a much more advantageous peace
than we shall have by attempting to subjugate Mexico, by
striking at the heart of their country. So far, therefore, as
that is concerned, I would be very much averse to it; I would
be willing to make this experiment at all events for concluding
a peace, and I would do so with the hope that it will succeed.
But it may be asked, what territory do you want ? Sir, I
will say, in the sincerity of my heart, the less territory we re-
ceive the better, in view of the restrictions which are likely to
be attempted to be imposed upon any acquisition of territory
we may make, though, if it were allowed to fall under the
Missouri compromise, I would rejoice at such acquisition. I
say this not with any purpose or desire to agitate the question
which is threatening ta present itself in a most imposing form,
and about which resolutions are coming to us couched in strong
language from the Legislatures of some of the Northern
States, declaring that no territory, not only no Northern ter-
ritory, but no territory lying below the degree I have indicat-
ed, is to be attached to this country in which shall exist those
institutions which the people of the South now enjoy. We
are told that the people I represent are not to participate in
any of the fruits of our conquest or acquisition ; that all those
fruits are to be like the apple of discord, and serve only to
create disunion, dissension, and strife. Do you suppose that
those who have inherited under the constitution rights and
privileges which they dearly prize, are to be told, in the most
insulting manner, that they are to be deprived of a participa-
tion in that which the}” have deemed their inalienable right,
without resenting the injury thus done to them ? Why, it is
with them a matter of principle, of pride, and not of sordid
interest. All the objects of life, the possession of wealth or of
power, would be notning to me if I found I had to live among
those who regarded me as an inferior in any point of view.
Sir, I ask for existence for no other purpose than to enjoy
those rights and privileges to which I am entitled, and which,
as far as I am capable, shall ever be preserved. Is it suppos-
ed that I am to be intimidated into yielding them up ? Yet
this is what is gravely proposed. It is said that we are to ac-
quire no territory at all without these restrictions. This is the
anomalous position in which we have placed ourselves, or ra-
ther in which this war has placed us. We have already ex-
pended fifty millions of dollars, and the bones of hundreds of
our citizens are now bleaching in the sun in Mexico, or are
entombed in its soil; nay, thousands have perished. Peace is
proposed, and an indemnity a remuneration is sought to be
obtained from Mexico ; but vainly sought. The only remu-
neration, the only indemnity we shall have, will be the remain-
der of our troops returning to us maimed and crippled, and
asking us an indemnity for their wounds and for the suffer-
ings which they ha\e endured. Sir, can it be seriously con-
templated that a proposition such as that to which I have al-
luded is to find favor in this Senate ? If it be, I say, before
God, I would expend all the money, and subject myself to all
the hazards I have indicated, rather than see the fraternity
as it is formed and as it exists under this federal constitution
broken up. While we have every thing to induce us to be-
lieve, from the facts which come crowding upon us in the his-
tory of this country since the association of the old thirteen
States, that this Union must and ought to continue ; while I
would give up every thing else to preserve it; yet, if we are
not to have territory without giving up our most valued privi-
lege ; if this be the only mode by which we can be permitted
to obtain territory ; if this be the only mode by which we can
avert that agitation and disunion which is threatened, I say
that even that will avert it but for a short time ; for when I
see resolutions corning to us in stronger and bolder terms, I
have little hope of ultimately averting the calamity. Sir,
it cannot be averted by any such concession; but when
it comes, I hope it will be found that the Union is stronger
than those who sport with it, who aim a deadly blow against
it under party banners. I think it will prove stronger. What!
the Union of these States to be broken up ? It is getting
stronger every day, as far as regards the original States. And
vfrhy ? Your intercourse is better regulated ; you have an
easy and expeditious intercourse with the remotest parts of the
country ; the distance between Detroit and New York is now
reduced to almost nothing. While we are rebuked everyday
for the continuance of this Union, (if I use terms which are
not exactly proper I hope I shall be excused)—I say, whilst
we are rebuked every day for the continuance of the Union
by political aspirants—for it amounts to tint and nothing
less—the cementing bonds of the Union are becoming stronger;
the alliances that are taking place every day render them
firmer; and you will find, in ten years from this time, that
the grandchildren of the people of Massachusetts will have
established themselves at the South. And do you think it
right that a painful issue of this kind should be raised, and
that kindred blood should be shed in the contest which must
ensue ? Do you think that there will be iro disposition to
consult the spirit and design with which these institutions
were formed ? Are not the descendants of those illustrious
men who gave us the constitution under which we live worthy
to worship at the altar erected by their ancestors ? How is it,
then, that we see resolutions like those from New York, Penn-
sylvania, and Ohio, aiming at the destruction of that harmony
which should always prevail throughout, this Republic ? Yes,
sir; and, by way of illustration, let me bring to your recol-
lection a fact that is perfectly well known to you. The State
ot Vermont came into the Union after the formation of the
federal constitution. Now, suppose it had been proposed, or,
rather, suppose there had been a slaveholding population strong
enough to dictate the terms of her admission—to dictate a
provision that no one should hold land within that State, and
enjoy the privileges of a citizen, unless he employed slave
labor, why it would have been resented by the people ot Ver-
mont ; they would have repudiated the idea. And why ?
Because it would be inconsistent with the institutions under
which \ ermont existed as a Territory, before she entered rhe
Union as a State. Now, take a still more striking case.
It is known that all the territory of Mississippi formed part
which perhaps ever existed, or was ever perpetrated to the dis-
honor of a free people, a corporation called the Yazoo Com-
pany claiming to own a part of that territory, endeavored to
controi its institutions. The indignation of the people pi
Georgia, on finding themselves despoiled of their rights, was
aroused to such a pitch that the General Assembly of that
State, in the presence of a concourse of people, drew fire from
Heaven and burnt the record of the grant under which that
company claimed. The interference with the institutions ot
our Government have always, and I believe will always, by
whomsoever that interference may he attempted, be visited
with the vengeance of Heaven. A contention arose between
the Company I have spoken of and the State of Georgia,
which was not brought to an accommodation until this
Government interposed, notwithstanding the fraud, and bought
out the claims of both. What would have taken place if the
Federal Government had undertaken to prescribe similar terms,
that slavery should not exist in that territory ? Do you think
that the people of Georgia, or the people of the territory, would
have submitted ? Not at all. And for this reason, that the
Federal Government has no such authority according to the
compact entered into at the adoption of the constitution. It
wouid have been a fraud if it had been attempted to be exer-
cised. And had the Federal Government not purchased the
territory for the purpose of remedying the mischief, it would
have been one of the most stupendous frauds that could have
been perpetrated upon a free people.
This Government had not the power to force upon the
people of that Territory the adoption of institutions which
they were disinclined to adopt. And if they had not the
power then, they have not now. And yet the Legislature
of the State of New York comes here with a resolution such
as never could have been contemplated when the constitution
was framed, declaring that if we acquire territory we ought
to divide it out. Y es, sir. She has the decency to ask us*to
divide it out according to terms prescribed by her. Can it be
expected that the people of the South will submit to dictation
like this ? Is it supposed that the people of Georgia would
acquiesce in arry such dictation ? Is it supposed that the
Congress of the" United States has the power to assume sove-
reignty and to dictate terms for the regulation of the internal
affairs of a State ? In my apprehension such is not a power
belonging to Congress; such power was neither conferred
upon it, nor has it an organic power to control the internal
affairs of the Slates of this confederacy. It has the right to
make all rightful rules and regulations in regard to this species
of property, but it has no right to appropriate it, or to annihi-
late it. Suppose, sir, that Congress were to undertake to
convert the Oregon Territory into a State, and give her the
right to send men here not only to speak, but to vote, would
they have the power to prescribe for that State who shall be
eligible to office—to say that no man, unless he be a Protes-
tant or a non-slaveholder, shall enjoy any privileges within
the State ? Suppose that Congress should undertake now, in
ot the territory of Georgia, and by the most stupendous fraud
relation to any Territory whatever, to say that a man going into
such Territory should not be eligible to office nor entitled to
franchise unless he were a non-slaveholder. Such a proposition
would be perfectly incompatible with the power of Congress.
Congress has no such power, has no sovereign authority with-
in a State ; and if it assumes such power, it assumes a power
wlrich does not belong to it. I have been astonished at this
assumpton of power, for I have seen it attempted to be assum-
ed in iormer times.
I say now that I would abide by the Missouri compromise,
because it has been acquiesced in since the time it was form-
ed. But that compromise ought to be held inviolable. Had
Southern men, he asked, ever been found to violate an engage-
ment ? Had the South ever violated any engagement, which
she had formed ? Never. On the contrary, (said Mr. B.)
she abides by all her engagements with the utmost fidelity,
and she expects that others will act in the same manner.
Wherefore has New York forgotten what was due to plighted
faith ? Is she desirous of exhibiting herself in the character
of a violator of a solemn compact ?
Mr. B. proceeded to argue at gr’eht length the impropriety,
as well as the injustice, of attaching any restriction such as
had been referred to to any proposition for the acquisition of
territory. He was of opinion that we had territory enough
already. He was far from desiring, as a matter of policy, to
obtain more. But there was one feature in the case which
deserved to be considered, which was, that it would be of great
advantage to our maritime interests to obtain one or more
ports upon the Pacific. And if a certain extent of territory
could be acquired with the consent of Mexico, and without the
restrictions which were sought to be imposed upon its acquisi-
tion, he would be in favor of it. But, as to wresting from
Mexico her territory by force of arms, he was altogether op-
posed to such a proceeding. The condition in which they
were placed in regard to this war was certainly somewhat em-
barrassing. If they were to abandon it, it would be consider-
ed a national dishonor ; and if they were to prosecute it with a
view to compel Mexico to yield to propositions of peace, they
would find themselves necessarily in possession of large terri-
tories, the acquisition of which would be accompanied with
those dire calamities to which he had already alluded. They
were somewhat like the shepherd who held the wolf by the
ears ; it was hazardous to hold him, and still more hazardous,
to let him go. His own course would be to take refuge in the
moderation, the firmness, and the wisdom which he had full
confidence would be exhibited by Senators upon that floor in
regard to all these subjects.
Mr. B.’s remarks were extended to a great length, but our
space will not at this time permit their insertion.
The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of the ca-
lendar ; when the following bills were severally considered in
Committee of the Whole, read a third time, and passed :
The joint resolution concerning th?purchase of additional
lands for the .use of the United States armory at Harper’s Ferry.
The bill for the relief of William Marvin, in confirming
the title to a tract of land in Florida, granted by the Spanish
Government to Bernardo Segui on the 20th December, 1815.
The bill to authorize the issuing of a new register for the
American barque Pons, of Philadelphia, by the name of the
Cordelia.
The bill for the relief of the heirs and representatives of the
late Robert Sewell.
The bill for the relief of Wade Allen.
The bill to provide for the final settlement of the accounts
of Thomas C. Sheldon, late receiver of public moneys at
Kalamazoo, Michigan.
The bill directing the Secretary of the Navy to purchase
from Dr. James P. Espy his patent right for the conical venti-
lator for the use of the United States.
The bill granting a pension to Bethia Healy, widow of
George Healy, deceased.
The bill for the relief of Andrew Moore.
The bill for the relief of the heirs of Louis de la Houssaye.
The bill for the relief of Alfred White.
The joint resolution to correct an error in the act of June
17, 1844, for the relief of Mary Ann Linton.
The bill for the relief of Robert M. Harrison.
The bill for the relief of Creed Taylor.
The bill for the relief of John Stockton, late a lieutenant
in the army of the United States.
The bill for the relief of the heirs of Jethro Wood.
The bill to authorize the issuing of a register to the brigan-
tine Ocean Queen.
The bill for the relief of John Bronson.
The bill for the relief of Ray Tompkins and others, chil-
dren and heirs at law of the late Daniel D. Tompkins.
The joint resolution for the relief of John Devlin.
The bill for the relief of Pearson Cogswell.
The joint resolution for the relief of Caleb Green.
The bill for the relief of Joseph Watson.
The bill granting a pension to Abigail Garland, widow of
Jacob Garland, deceased.
The bill for the relief of James S. Conway.
The bill for the relief of James F. Sothron.
The bill for the relief of the heirs of Andrew D. Crosby.
The hill for the relief ot William A. Christian.
The bill to grant a right of pre-emption to Philip F. Der-
ing and Robert H. Champlin to a tract of rfiineral land.
The joint resolution for the relief of John and Charles Bruce.
The bill for the settlement of ibeclaimsof John R. Williams.
The bill confirming the title of a tract of land to the heirs
and legal representatives of Pierre Dufresne.
The bill for the relief of Gen. Robert Armstrong was taken
up, and, after having been debated at length by Messrs.
PEARCE, CRITTENDEN, CAMERON, ATCHISON,
TURNEY, and others, was finally laid on the table.
After an executive session, the Senate adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The, bill to aid in the construction of certain roads in the
the.Territory of Wisconsin, was next taken up.
Mr. M. L. MARTIN moved to amend the bill by striking
out all thereof and substituting therefor the following :
‘‘ lie it enacted, c£c. That there be and hereby are appro*
printed, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise a ppro-
priated, the following sums of money, to be expended under
the direction of the Secretary of War, for the following pur-
poses, to wit:
For improving the road from Milwaukie to Madison and to
Watertown, five thousand dollars ;
For improving the road from Milwaukie to Fond du Lae,
three thousand dollars ;
For improving the road from Sheboygan to Fox river, two
thousand dollars ;
For improving the Green Bay and Chicago road, from Ra-
cine north, tw'o thousand dollars ;
For improving the road from Plateville to Potosi, two thou-
sand dollars ;
For improving road from Racine to Madison, three thou-
sand dollars ;
For opening a road from Prairie du Chien to Laporte, three
thousand dollars. ”
Mr. ROBERT SMITH moved to amend the substitute by
adding three sections which provide—
“ 1 hat the Secretary ot War shall cause to be surveyed and
opened a military road trom Fort Howard, at Green bay, in
the Territory ot Wi eonsin, to Fork Wilkins, on Lake Supe-
rior, in the State ot Michigan, upon such route as may appear
best calculated to effect tire purposes of this act; and appro-
priating five thousand dollars towards the accomplishment of
the objects specified in the amendment. ”
Mr. MORGAN L. MARTIN accepted Mr. Smith’s amend-
ment as a modification of his own.
Mr. G. W, JONES opposed the bill. He could see no
need of a military road in that direction ; there was no pro-
spect of military operations in that part of our frontier, and
if the people there wanted this road, let them make it for
themselves.
Mr. MARTIN defended the bill with earnestness. He ob-
served that its title ought to be amended so as to read, ‘f A
bill to fill the Treasury of the United States ;” for that Wor?ld
be its true effect in practice. Of the thirty-five millions of
acres in the Territories, the United States Government own-
ed thirty millions. Was it proper that the proprietors of the
remaining five millions should pay the whole expenses of the
Territory?—pay all the taxes, build all the roads, and the
Government that was the main proprietor contribute nothing?
Mr. RATHBUN then moved to amend the bill by adding
thereto the following: “To improve the harbor of Little
Sodus bay, $5,(100.”
Mr. R. was going on to address the Committee ; when—
Mr. G. DAYIS asked him to yield the floor to him lor a
moment, to enable him to offer an amendment; and Mr. D.
offered the following :
“And that the sum of two hundred and forty thousand dol-
lars be and the same is hereby appropriated for the improve-
ment ot the navigation of the Ohio river below the falls, and
the Missouri and Mississippi rivers ; and that the further sum
of one hundred thousand dollars be and the same is hereby ap-
propriated for the improvement of the navigation of the Ohio
river above the tails. That the said sums of money be paid
out of any money iu the Treasury not otherwise appropriated,
and be expended under the direction ot the Secretary of War. ”
Mr. CROZIER proposed to amend Mr. Davis’s amend-
ment by adding the following: “And $100,000 to be ex-
pended in the improvement of the navigation of the Tennessee
and Holston rivers, above the Muscle Shoals.”
Mr. G. DAVIS accepted Mr. Crozier’s amendment as a
part of his own, and expressed his hope that the bill and the
amendments would pass. When the war had taken so large
a portion of the resources of the Government, he was for
sharing at least in a small part of the public money, and de-
voting it to purposes of the internal improvement ofthe coun-
try. This useless, aimless war would cost the people before
it was ended at least two hundred millions ; had that amount
been expended on clearing out the channels of our great ri-
vers, deepening our harbors, removing shoals and sand-bars,
constructing piers and breakwaters, cutting canals, securing
the safe and rapid transmission of the mails, and providing
channels for the internal commerce of the Union, what a mass
of good it might have accomplished. But a subservient ma-
jority in Congress was for engrossing the whole resources ot
the nation, and devoting them exclusively to the war which
the Executive had brought upon the country. He denounc-
ed this course as madness and folly, and entered his solemn
protest against such a misapplication of the public money.
He wanted that the people should divide with this our auto-
crat President. He was for throwing before him bill after
bill for the improvement of the country, and to promote its
internal communications and commerce; and if he chose to
veto every thing that went to advance the practical good ol
the nation, let him do it. But he would find that the people
would eventually raise such a storm around his head and those
of his obsequious minions as would speedily topple them
down from the high places they now usurped, and which they
abused for purposes of personal ambition. He was not for
letting our rights perish by nonuse.r, or fail by default; he
was foinputting forth the claims of the people to have their in-
terests consulted, and their will obeyed. He would, there
fore, lay such appropriations again and again before James
K. Polk, and see whether he wouid dare to cast them back
into the faces of the people’s representatives. He trusted all
the friends of internal improvement would now agree to make
a. rally, and assert their principles
Mr. STANTON gave notice that he should offer an amend-
ment appropriating $100,000 to the construction of a road in
Arkansas, from a point opposite Memphis to the city of Little
Rock.
Mr. NEWTON (the new member from Arkansas) ex-
pressed his hope that, if the bill passed the House, the amend-
ment which had been adverted to by the gentleman from Ten-
nessee who had just taken his seat would be adopted. This
road was a national work, and needed for the defence of the
frontier. The State claimed this appropriation from Congress
on that ground, if op no other. He hoped it would pass. But,
as he was fully aware of the value of the time that yet remain-
ed, he should not take it up by any prolonged remarks.
Mr. ROCKWELL, of Connecticut, expressed his hope
that the amendment which had been moved by the Delegate
from Wisconsin (Mr. Martin) would prevail.
Mr. CROZIER went into a eulogium on the Cumberland
river, as a larger river (at the junction) than the Ohio, and
quite as worthy of improvement by the Government.
Mr. THOMA8SON here proposed (as he said) by way ol
compromise, hrs amendment for the construction of a railroad
to Oregon. [A laugh.] He need not speak a word in its
favor, the amendment would commend itself.
The question being on Mr. Davis’s amendment—
Mr. BOYD asked that a separate vote be taken on each
item.
The vote was then taken on the item appropriating “ two
hundred and forty thousand dollars for improving the Ohio
river below the falls, and the Missouri and Mississippi rivers,”
by tellers, and decided in the negative : Ayes 57, noes 56 —
no quorum voting. A recount was about to be had ; when—
Mr. KAUFMAN asked Mr. Davis to modify his amend-
ment by increasing the amount from $240,000 to $320,000,
and include Red river.
Mr. DAYIS did not accept Mr. Kaufman’s amendment.
The recount was then had, and the tellers reported ayes 63,
noes 64.
So the first branch of the amendment was not agreed to.
The question was then taken on the second branch of Mr.
Davis’s amendment,and this also was disagreed to.
Mr. ROBERTS now moved to amend Mr. Ratiibun’s
amendment, in such a manner (the Reporter believes) as to
grant alternate sections of the public land to aid in the (in-
struction of a railroad from Jackson, in Mississippi, through
Brandon, to the Alabama line. This amendment was disa-
greed to.
Mr. G. DAVIS modified and reoffered the amendment
which he had previously offered, and which was rejected, by
enlarging the sum from $240,000 to $350,000, and including
Redriver with the Ohio below the falls, and the Missouri and
Mississippi rivers, $106,000 for the Ohio above the falls, and
$100,000 for the Tennessee and Holston livers above the
Muscle Shoals. The amendment was disagreed to.
Mr. S I’ANTON moved to amend Mr. Ratiibun’s amend-
ment as follows : “And that one hundred thousand acres of
the public land, in the State of Arkansas, be appropriated for
the completion of the military road from Memphis to Little
Rock.” The amendment was disagreed to.
Mr. SCHENCK moved to amend Mr. Rathbux’s amend-
ment as follows : “ And that the sum of $250,000 be appro-
priated for the continuation of the Cumberland road ; $50,000
to be expended in the State of Ohio, $100,001) in the State of
Indiana, and $100,000 in the State of Illinois.” The amend-
ment was disagreed to.
Mr. NEWTON moved to amend Mr. Rathbun’s amend-
ment as follows : “For the improvement of the Arkansas river
$50,000, and for White river $30,000.” Disagreed to.
The question was then taken on Mr. Rathbun’s amend-
ment, and it was disagreed to.
Mr. BOWLIN then offered an amendment, which could
not be obtained by the Reporter. It was rejected.
And the question was taken on agreeing to the substitute
proposed by Mr. M. L. Martin, and the substitute was dis-
agreed to.
Mr. G. W. JONES moved that the bill be reported to the
House with the recommendation that it do not pass. Agreed to.
The committee then rose and reported accordingly.
Mr. M. L. MARTIN moved the previous question, which
was seconded ; and the main question was ordered, viz:
Shall the bill be engrossed and read a third time ? It was de-
cided by yeas and nays as follows : Yeas 53, nays 102.
So the bill was rejected.
PRE-EMPTION TO CERTAIN PERSONS.
The bill granting the right of pre-emption to the inhabitants
of the town of Beetown, Wisconsin, was ordered to be en-
grossed, and was engrossed, read the third time and passed,
and sent to the Senate for concurrence.
PUBLIC WORKS IN WISCONSIN.
The Hou<e then again resolved itself into committtee on
Territorial bills, (Mr. Caleb B. Smith in the chair.)
The committee took up the bill to provide for continuing
certain public works in the Tenitory of Wisconsin. This bill
proposes to make the following appropriations :
“ For the harbor of Milwaukie, $25,000. *
“ For the harbor of Racine, $15,000.
“ For the harbor of Southport, $15,000.”
Mr. McCLELLAND moved to amend the bill by striking
out all after the enacting clause and inserting the Harbor Bill.
Mr. DOUGLASS raised a point of order as to the relevancy
of the amendment.
The CHAIR ruled the amendment in order.
Mr. T[BBATTS moved to amend the amendment of Mr.
McClelland by striking out all relating to the Ohio, Mis-
sissippi, Missouri, and Red rivers, and inserting—
“ For the improvement ofthe Ohio river, below the falls at
Louisville, $100,0(jb.
“ For the improvement of the Ohio river, below the falls at
Louisville, and the Mississippi, Missouri, and Arkansas
rivers, $250,000.
“ For the improvement ofthe Mississippi river adjacent to
the city ol St. Louis, $50,000.
“ For removing the raft of Red river, and for the improve-
ment ot said river, $25,000. ”
Mr. CROZIER then went into a brief speech in support of
the amendment, in which he referred to the vote of the present
Chief Magistrate, when formerly a member of the House of
Representatives, in favor of this very amendment, which, to-
gether with a certain canal in Ohio, was the only work of
internal improvement for which he had ever voted. Was it
likely he would veto it now ?
Mr. TIBBATTS called Mr. C. to order for surmising what
the President would do.
Mr. CROZIER said he would by no means attempt to an-
ticipate what the President would do in regard to this or any
other bill. [A laugh.]
If this bill was only for works which had been already be-
gun, then this amendment would be included ; for $800,000
had been appropriated long ago for this work, and the work
had been begun. It was outrageous that it had been suffered
to lie incomplete, and aU the money in a great measure wasted.
Mr. JACOB THOMPSON moved that the committee rise.
The motion was agreed to, and the committee rose and re-
ported progress.
Mr. McCLELLAND moved the usual resolution to close
the debate in Committee of the Whole ; but before the reso-
lution was read the House adjourned.
EDITORS’ CORESSFONDENCE.
Wilmington, (N. C.) February 6, 1847.
In travelling Southward, at this season of the year, there
are some very disagreeable delays. No matter what your
hurry may be, no matter how pressing your engagements
ahead, and intense your anxiety to press forward, at one point
you arrive some four or five hours before the next conveyance
departs ; at another, perhaps the next one, you are brought
up half an hour too late, and you are obliged to lie over till
the next day.
Will you allow me, as some of these delays may be mine,
to send you my musings upon men and things, or any items
of information I may pick up ? I cannot, of course, promise
any thing but hastily written sketches, which may help to
enlarge the broad tide of light reading, (light with respect to
its tonage, and not its brilliancy,) which is floating every
where. I can say, however, that they shall be “begun, con-
tinued, and ended,” as runs the pet phrase of one of your
city divines, with the best of motives.
The first question asked me, after I left your city, by a total
stranger, was, when we met the train from Richmond, with
much earnestness, “ Can you toll me, sir, whether they have
a brigadier general for the southern division of the army ?”
On my saying, “I cannot,” he seemed seized with a perfect
furor to be going, and commenced talking to himself about
what in the world could make the cars wait so long, (perhaps
two minutes,) and when they again started, he seemed mani-
festly relieved. It was easy to tell what he was going in
pursuit of. A gentleman, who was standing by me, shrug
ged up his shoulders, saying, “Ah, my good fellow, lam
sorry for your prospects, unless you and ail your kin belong
to ‘ the party.’ Ten days ago I went with all possible speed
to Washington, seeking a little appointment. But it was
‘ no go ;’ for, although I had voted the right ticket, in the last
great contest, unfortunately my father had not, and when I
urged the impropriety of holding me responsible for his sins,
I was told deliberately but positively, ‘you ought not to have
such a father ;’ and there was the end of the matter.” He
seemed much disappointed, and a little bit disgusted; for I ob-
served that he could laugh on but one side of his face at
a time. This, however, might have been the result of his
natural condition. lie was very fat, and his checks were so
plump and puffed up as to give the impression that they would
pop, if touched with the tip of the finger.
The general subject of conversation among every body along
the road is the existing war, and it is remarkable how univer-
sal is the impression that it was begun in bad taste, is con-
tinued to the great injury of alkconcerned, and is altogether
a shame to its projectors, and a disgrace and an outrage to
humanity. If holding and expressing these sentiments is to
“ give aid and comfort to the enemy,” the enemy is certainly
well aided and sufficiently comforted, fob no body that I have
seen or heard either thinks or says any thing else.
There are many persons who have lost friends on the bloody
field or in the comfortless tent. They feel deeply, a well they
may. All regret that so many gallant officers and men have
fallen. There is but one death that does not cause sorrow and
grief. I have not seen or heard of a single individual who
has shed a tear, or put on weeds of wo, on account of the
death of the lieutenant general. The general impression
seems to be that he died so soon, for a reason very simi-
lar and yet strikingly unlike that which caused that old horse
down east to live so long. He lived to a very great age in-
deed ; and when he died, they must needs hold an inquest
over him to ascertain, not what killed him, but made hun live
so long; and the jury brought in, that “the horse lived so
long because he had not strength to draw his last breath.”
They say the lieutenant general had not strength, either in
the party or out o it, either with the party or without it, to
draw his first breath. And they think that portends well for
the future, both as respects the continuance of the war, and
other great questions, to come up for decision in 1848.
Last night, about 12 o’clock, there came on board the cars
some fifteen “ raw recruits,” as the conductor called them,
and surely if the quantity of raw whiskey which they drank,
the raw beef they ate, the raw looks they wear, the raw lan -
guage they use, and the raw manners they showed, are any
evidences of rawness, they are certainly entitled to that part of
the conductor’s appellation ; but whether they will prove “re-
cruits” is not so plain a case. They are mere boys, who, I
presume, have never before been out of sight of the smoke of
their native chimney; for one of them said “why, la! we’ll see
a steamboat, I never seed one in my time ; to which his com-
panion replied, “no, nor me nuther.” They are hound for
the recruiting at Smithville, where, I have been told, are some
seven or eight hundred more, very like them, learning to hold
their heads up, turn their toes out, and drees by the right,
instead of before the looking glass, and waiting for a transport
to carry them to the field of action. An officer has informed
me that the United States have offered a little brig, lying in
this harbor, ten thousand dollars, to take the regiment to the
Gulf, and the brig asks twenty. I should think, irom her
looks and age, that she is worth about $6,000, all told. Does
she reason far from the mark, when she says the soldiers must
go, and there is no other vessel here that can take them—I’ll
have my price.
I am very glad to find that we are not to be perilled in that
old boat, the VamWbuilt. She is, for the present at least,
laid aside, and a new boat that seems well constructed is here
and takes her place. It is to be hoped that the change from
what we have just passed through will be an agreeable one.
If any person wants to find what badly constructed cars and
ugly eating can do for his comfort, I commend him to the
railroad between here and Richmond, and the ealing shops
along side. The hard biscuits, and sour butter, and old re-
cooked meat, and weak and dirty coffee and tea, would cer-
tainly kill him with the dyspepsia, were it riot that the uncom-
fortableness of the cars, and the unreasonable delays, cuie
him, by keeping up what physicians call a i( counter irnta-
tion.” Iam not certain that the favorite song of “ J ane
your time Miss Lucy” was invented along tins road, but cer-
tainly its sentiment has a most perfect illustration in the prac-
tice of all the conductors, agents, and engines on toe trac .
Here we have been waiting five hours, and now the “ Governor
Dudley’s” bell begins to ring. So good bye until Idelayed
again. Fours.
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National Intelligencer. (Washington [D.C.]), Vol. 48, No. 6891, Ed. 1 Saturday, February 20, 1847, newspaper, February 20, 1847; Washington, District of Columbia. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth1007670/m1/1/: accessed May 13, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; .