The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 33
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Dec. 1843.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE,
S3
28th Cong 1st Sess.
Fine on General Jackson—Mr. Slidell.
H. of
P
la
had probably never perused a military treatise. He
knew nothing of strategy, as an art, "nor the di-
vision of a battle knew, more than a spinster." But
he had that within him, by God's gift, which more
than supplied the place of all that less favored mor-
tals could only have acquired by year's of study and
practice. He was born a soldier, in the most com-
prehensive sense of the word. And here let me be
permitted to say, that I, for one, do not sympathize ■
with what I consider a sickly affectation of the day
—the clamor against (to use the popular parlance)
military chieftains. I consider that, to be a great
soldier, requires a combination of all the highest
qualities which go to constitute greatness in any de-
partment of active life. There may be no particu-
ar talent necessary to manreuvre a well-appointed
force m the field; and some of the most important
battles which history has recorded, have probably
been gained by very inferior men. But the faculty
of commanding masses of men; to produce order
from chaos; to reduce to discipline the most sub-
born and discordant materials; to infuse into an
army the confidence which is always the precursor
of victory; to communicate the electric spark of en-
thusiasm, which is the vital principle of all high
and noble daring, without which an army is but a
caput mortuwm—an inert and lifeless mass. This is,
indeed, to be great. Take my word for it, the man
who can do this, will be distinguished in the cabinet
as in the field. The great soldiers of all countries
and ages have been great statesmen; and Jackson
was no exception to this iulc. He has had many
distinguished men"about him; but instead (as many
had supposed would be the case when he was el-
evated to the Presidency) of being a mere nominal
President, an instrument in the hands of other and
abler men, he was the master spirit of his party,
and stamped his own impress on everything that
surrounded him. The reputation of such a man
belongs to his country, and it should be our care
that no undeserved stain should rest upon it; that
the judgment which the sentence of an unjust and
prejudiced tribunal pronounced upon him should be
reversed by the Representatives of the American
people.
At the time of General Jackson's appointment,
he established his headquarters at Mobile. A British
force had been landed at Pensacola, in the adjoining
pretended neutral, but really hostile, Territory of
Florida. The British commander there had, by his
emissaries, endeavored to foment discord and treason
among the people of Louisiana. He had issued a
proclamation to them, in which he announced the
approaching arm al of a large British force to take
possession of the country; and invited the Spaniards,
Frenchmen, Italians, and Englishmen, residing in
Louisiana, to make common cause with the inva-
ders: promising relief from taxation, guaranties for
their laws, religion and property. Copies of this
proclamation were distributed over the wThole "coun-
try, between the Mobile river and the Mississippi.
The British were permitted to garrison the forts of
Pensacola.
Jackson, with his accustomed energy, determined
upon the occupation of Pensacola, and to deprive
the enemy of a place of shelter and refuge, which
they possessed, if not through the bad faith, at
least through the weakness, of our professedly neu-
tral neighbors. He accordingly marched to Pensa-
cola; and having driven out the enemy, and destroy-
ed the fortifications, he returned to Mobile.
He here manifested that disposition which has
characterized him through all the various vicissi-
tudes of his eventful life, in his civil as well as in
Ins military career, in the cabinet as in the field—a
readiness to assume all the responsibilities, however
dangerous or disagreeable, which duty and the cir-
cumstances of the case, or the exigencies of the
times, might require; a disposition which has been
the fruitful theme of animadversion for his political
opponents, an inexhaustible subject for the declama-
tion of popular orators, and which some even of his
wannest ft lends have at times supposed was carried
to an excels. But the event has invariably shown
that he was right. He is distinguished, in my opin-
ion, bevond all other men of the day, for that intui-
tive sagacity and far-seeing penetration which ena-
bled him at'once to arrive at just conclusions, with-
out going through the intermediate process of rea-
soning, by which others, less gifted, would only
reach them, if at ail, when the occasion to apply
them usefully had passed. It is the confidence
which this revelation (if I may be permitted the ex-
pression) of right gives, which .sustains in all emer-
gencies iho man who feels it, nnd fills him
(3)
with the noblest sort of courage—that moral
courage which shrinks from no responsibili-
ty, however fearful, that the interests of his
country require from him; the moral courage
which ordered to execution the British spies, Ar-
buthnot and Ambrister, and the removal, in opposi-
tion to the wishes of his cabinet, of the deposites of
the Government from that rotten and corrupt insti-
tution, the Bank of the United States. He saw then,
with an eagle-glance, the devouring worm at work
under the fair exterior of that apparently flourish-
ing but really bankrupt institution. But I ask par-
don for this digression, and now return to the Gen-
eral, whom we left at Mobile.
He soon after proceeded to New Orleans, where
he arrived on the 2d of December. Let us now
take a brief retrospect of the position of affairs at
that time.
The British army of invasion was on the coast—
an army composed of fifteen thousand veterans,
flushed with a succession of victories, recently
achieved over the most warlike people of Europe,
commanded by experienced generals, sustained by
a numerous fleet having command of all the shores
of the Gulf of Mexico, and the choice of all the nu-
merous approaches which the peculiar formation of
the delta of the Mississippi offers to an invading
force.
To repel the attacks of the enemy, Jackson had
but a force of little more than 2,000 men, the greater
part of whom were militia, (of course undisciplined,)
imperfectly armed, and composed of men of all na-
tions, and of every hue and color. The Legislature—
the second elected under the State constitution—
was then in session. Gen. Jackson was compara-
tively in a land of strangers. He did not under-
stand the language of the majority of the inhabitants;
he of course could not commune freely with them,
and was necessarily obliged to judge of their feel-
ings and disposition from the representations of
others. On whom should he more naturally rely
for such information than on the man who had, in
the first instance, been selected by Jefferson as
Governor of the ceded territory of Louisiana; and
who had since, by the people of Louisiana admitted
into the great Confederacy of the States, been elected
as their first Chief Magistrate' It appears, from all
the testimony, that Jackson did rely much upon the
information of the Governor. Indeed, this reliance
is made a matter of grave and frequent animadver-
sion by Judge Martin, upon whom the opponents
of the bill (and especially the majority of the Judi-
ciary Committee of last session, in their adverse re-
port) mainly rely, and cite as the most accredited
authority. Governor Claiborne had repeatedly, in
his correspondence, while he spoke in terms of the
warmest commendation of the zeal and good disposi-
tions of a vast majority of the people, expressed his
distrust of the fidelity of a portion of the population
of Louisiana; and declaied that the militia had been
encouraged in their disobedience of a requisition of
Jackson's predecessor (Flournoy) by the Legislature
of the State. The Legislature had been in session
since the 10th November. Governor Claiborne rep-
resented their fidelity as very doubtful; seemed sus-
picious of some bad design at their prolonged ses-
sion; and appeared extremely desirous that they
should adjourn. On the 14th December, the Gov-
ernor proposed to the Legislature the suspension of
the writ of habeas cotpus, which was refused. On
the 15th December, news reached the city of the de-
struction of the small flotilla of gun boats on Lake
Borgne, under the command of Lieutenant Jones,
by which all the avenues of the city were left open
to the enemy. Martial law was then proclaimed in
the city of New Orleans and its environs. The ne-
cessity of this measure appears to have been admit-
ted by every one. It is distinctly proved that it was
so by Judge Hall.
On the 16th, Governor Claiborne advised the ad-
journment of the Legislature for twenty-five days,
pie said that the time was certainly inauspicious for
that cool and mature legislation necessary to the for-
mation of good laws; that the enemy menaced the
capital, and how soon he would effect his landing
was uncertain. Every hand should be raised to re-
pel him, and every moment occupied m arranging
and completing means of defence. The House of
Representatives concurred with the report of their
committee, who considered an adjournment as inex-
pedient. Should the Houses adjourn for the pro-
posed period, few members would have time to leave
the city; and if they did, their mileages wonild ex-
ceed their expenses if they continued their sitting.
The reasons urged in the report, as stated by Mar-
tin, are not calculated to give a very exalted opinion
of the patriotism of those who opposed the adjourn-
ment. It is evident that, however much they may
have been disposed to demonstrate that patriotism
by speeches and resolutions, they had lio.intentioa
of giving the only possible practical evidence of it,
by joining the ranks of their countrymen in the.
field.
On the 23d, the British army effected its landing
without opposition; and the first intelligence of, it
was the appearance of a division of 5,000 men 6n
the banks of the Mississippi, within five miles of
New Orleans, on the afternoon of that day. Jack-
son, by one of those happy inspirations which
only occur to men of genius, determined to attack
the invaders, although he could not muster half their
force. Accordingly, on the night of the 23d, he
marched from the city with his motley, but gallant
band; and made so vigorous an onslaught as to
orce them to retreatin confusion. This sally, which,
if it had proved unsuccessful, would have been de-
nounced as a piece of Quixotic temerity, showed
the consummate prudence, skill, and sagacity of our
improvised warrior. H.e had indeed stepped forth
as the fabled Minerva, completely clothed in all
the panoply of war. With him, as a soldier, there
was no interval between infancy and the vigor of
manhood. That night was decisive of the.cam^,
paign. The enemy, believing that only superiority
of numbers could have inspired the courage ne-
cessary for such oil attack, determined to await
the arrival of the remainder of their force. They
did not attempt to advance, but threw up en-
trenchments to protect themselves from further
attack. This delay afforded time for the arrival
of considerable detachments of the brave militia
of Louisiana, Mississippi, and the West. The
grand assault was made on the 8th of January,
and the result of it is too well known to require
mention now. It was the crowning event of the
war. Its anniversary is generally celebrated as a,
national festival; its glory has completely eclipsed
that of the 23d December, and yet military men
generally concede that jjiore credit should be ac-
corded to him for this bold and masterly movement
than for all his subsequent services in this glorious
and memorable campaign. From this time until
the 19th January, the British army remained inac-
tive. They then broke up their camp on the banks
of the Mississippi, and the greater part of the sur-
vivors re-embarked on board of the British fleet;
leaving, however, a sufficient force to secure the
passes into lake Borgne, and to command the en-
trance of the bayou by which they had penetrated
to the Mississippi. The fleet remained on the coast,
and besieged Fort Bowyer, at Mobile Point, which
capitulated on the 12tli February. On the 18th
February, Mr. Edward Livingston, Col. Mansel
White, and others, who had proceeded to the British
fleet with a flag of truce, returned with informal in-
telligence that a treaty of peace had been concluded
at Ghent; but no communication to this effect, was
made by the British commanders. The force of the
British (though greatly diminished by their short
but fatal campaign) was still sufficiently formidable
to require unabated vigilance on the part of Jackson.
To have disbanded his forces, would have been to
invite an attack from an enemy smarting under the
disgrace of a recent and ignominious defeat. To
have relaxed the discipline of his camp, would have
exposed him to the just censure of those whose
safety such imprudence would have jeoparded.
Louailler, a member of the Legislature, a French-
man by birth, one of those who, either from disaf-
fection to his adopted country, or from a feeling of
blind hostility towards the Governor and General
Jackson, had been conspicuous for his opposition to
all the measures proposed by them, had published in
one of the newspapers a seditious appeal to his
countrymen, m which he stimulated tnem to diso-
bedience of the orders of the -commanding general.
Jackson caused him to be arrested on the 5th March.
On the same day, application was made to Judge
Hall, of the United States district court, for a writ
of habeas corpus, on the ground of his illegal im-
prisonment. A writ was accordingly issued by or-
der of Judge Hall; but, before it was served upon
him, Jackson caused Hall to be arrested for inter-
fering with his authority in the limits of his camp.
I do not think it worth while to examine particu-
larly into the discrepancies and changes; of date
on this writ of habeas corpus. They are of no
consequence as regards the substantial merits of
the question, although they afford to my mind preg-
nant indications of the disposition of the Judge w
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2368/m1/43/: accessed April 19, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.