The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 25
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Dec. 1843.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
28th Cong 1st Sess.
Abolition Petitions—Mr. Stetson.
H. of Reps.
say, after what had fallen from that gentleman, he
would be very unwilling to suffer him to decide
the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of any
question. He claimed to judge of all such questions
for himself. He had voted for a rule for the govern-
ment of this House in the transaction of its business,
■which rejected these abolition papers; and this, he
was prepared to maintain anywhere, was no encroach-
ment upon the Constitution. If the gentleman con-
riot discriminate between a rule of this House and
a law within the meaning of the Constitution, he
could not construe that instrument for him.
In regard to these abolition petitions, about
which said (Mr. W.,) we have been so much annoyed,
he was well satisfied that the object of those who
constantly poured them in upon us was nothing
short of a dissolution of the Union. This treasona-
ble design had been openly avowed in some of their
public meetings. Petitions have been sent here, play-
ing Congress to dissolve the Union! And was he
t.o be told that it was his duty to receive, entertain,
and treat with respectful consideration such trea-
sonable propositions? No, sir; never, never. He
would much rather resign his seat here, and spend
the remainder of his days in the walks of private
life. He dare not, as an American Representative,
devotedly attached to the Union, for one moment
countenance such movements. Let these papers be
received, referred, and reported upon, and a discus-
sion had, and their object at no very distant day
might be accomplished.
Mr. Beardsley rose to explain.
Mr. Weller having yielded the floor for that
purpose—
Mr. B. proceeded to disclaim intending, in any
offensive sense, to charge a violation of the Consti-
tution on those who voted to reject abolition memo-
rials. He did indeed believe that, in all such cases,
the right of petition was violated to a certain extent;
but he never accused, nor meant to accuse, gentlemen
of wilfully violating the Constitution they had sworn
to support.
Mr. Weller resumed. The gentleman from
New York had the right to express his opinion,
and he (Mr. W.) would not have thrown himself
upon the indulgence of the House if he had been
content with this. He has, however, undertaken to
speak for the North generally, as contradistin-
guished from the South; and, in that sense, the
broad term "Northern people" would be understood
generally in its largest sense, and as covering the
people of the West also. Now, if such was the
meaning of the gentleman, all Mr. W. could say
was, that he had, in his judgment, very incorrectly
represented the sentiments of the region from whence
he (Mr. W.) came. He had met this question time
and again before his constituents; and believing, as
he conscientiously did, that the abolitionists were
bent on the destruction of the Government, he had
solemnly pledged himself before God, that his ef-
forts never should be relaxed so long as he had a
voice in this hall to resist and oppose, and in all
ways, and by all lawful means, to put down the
fanatical incendiaries who madly sought to apply
the torch to this beautiful temple of American lib-
erty. Sure he was that the gentleman from New
York did not represent the opinions of the people
by whose votes he came into this hall. He had told
his constituents, more than once, that if abolitionism
was to be encouraged—if the Constitution was to
be torn to tatters—if the ligament which now binds
these States together was to be dissevered—if the
free institutions secured by the blood of our revolu-
tionary fathers were to be destroyed, and this coun-
try made the abiding place of despotism.—the act
must be done by other hands. If he was elected, he
must go to Congress as the uncompromising enemy
of abolition, in whatever shape or form it might be
presented. The people expected and demanded
that he should redeem his pledges—that the first
moment an effort should be made towaids carrying
out the projects of the abolitionists, he should meet
it on this the threshold in a-gpirit of determined, un-
compromising hostility.
The people of the West, (said Mr. W.) he was
well satisfied, would be no more disposed to inter-
fere with the constitutional rights of the South, than
to submit to an invasion of then- own They
would be as far from aiding the North in encroach-
ing upon the rights of the South, as they would be
from assisting the South to prostrate the rights of
the North. They were as ready, and would be
quite as prompt, to fight in defence of the one as the
other. They were content with the Constitution as
given them by their fathers. They religiously be-
lieve that the Union can only be preserved by se-
curing to each section of the country the undis-
turbed enjoyment of the rights guarantied by that
instrument. For one, he believed that the
rejection of these petitions was best calculated to
preserve this beautiful temple of liberty from con-
flagration; and so long as he retained a seat in this
House, he swore before Heaven that his constituents
might rely on his untiring exertions and his unflag-
ging zeal in resisting the wicked and incendiary at-
tempts of these petitioners against the peace and
tranquillity of the Union. He maintained the equal
rights of all: should the North or the South attempt
to encroach upon the rights of the West, he would
meet them with the spirit of unyielding resistance;
if the people of his own State should attempt to in-
vade the constitutional rights of the North, he
would be as ready to repel them. As one of the
Representatives of the people, he stood here to main-
tain the constitutional rights of all.
REMARKS OF MR. STETSON,
of new york,
In the House, of Representatives, Friday, Dec. 29,1843.
On the discussion of the reference of a petition
from a free negro, presented by Mr. Giddings of
Ohio.
Mr. STETSON spoke as follows:
Mr. Speaker: I should have nothing to say in this
debate, had not my colleague on my right, [Mr. R.
D. Davis,] in the remarks he made a little while
since, spoken for the North generally. It is always
unpleasant to differ from one's colleague, and here
it is peculiarly so; but I do not doubt that he has ex-
pressed Northern opinion as he understands and be-
lieves it to be.
The term "North" is a wide one, and embraces,
among others, the district I have the honor to rep-
resent here; and I cannot but feel and say that my
colleague has gone a little too far in stating the se-
curity of the South for a continuance of our blessed
Union against any Northern interference on the
question of slavery. I understood my colleague to
point the South to the great objection the North
would have to the immigration of the blacks to the
North, in the event of their freedom, as a certain se-
curity against any such interference. Now, sir, all
feel that it is important that the North and the South
should understand each other rightly on this sub-
ject; and, so far as the district I represent is concern-
ed, (and now I do not feel authorized to go beyond
that in speaking for the North,) I will say to the South,
and to Southern Representatives here, that if the
South desires the continuance of slavery in her States,
their security against any interference from the
North does not lie in the fact that, if the South were
to abolish slavery, their freed blacks would overrun
the North like a deluge, and disturb its peace and
prosperity. No, sir; it is due to the North to say,
it is not 011 a consideration so selfish as this that the
South ought to understand that their safety reposes;
but, in the opinion of my constituents, the security
of the South on that question rests in the broad
line of demarkation that separates the power of
Congress to legislate from the rights which belong
to the States.
The great bulwark of Southern protection on this
question of slavery is to be found in the reserved
rights of the States, and these alone. The North,
if it would, could not, and will not, go behind that
rampart. But, that out of the way, it was due to
the North to say that the South has no protection
in the consideration alluded to by my colleague.
The North has abolished slavery in every one of
her States. The glorious North, patriotic as she
was, and in love with universal freedom, desired
that the foul blot of slavery should wholly and for-
ever be effaced ft om the fair page of our national his-
tory; but desiring this, as she does, she knows that
she has no power here to interfere; and respecting
as she did, and always would, constitutional guar-
anties, she anxiously waits the time when the
South, by her own volition, or events under the
providence of God, will restoie an enslaved race to
freedom.
[Here Mr. S. war interrupted by o call to order
from Mr. Payne, of Alabama; who subsequently
withdrew liis objection, and Mr. Stetson pro-
ceeded.] .
I have very little more to say on this point, al-
though encouraged, to do so by many voices;
and nothing, I hope, at any time, against
the continued Objection of any member of this
House. What I desired to say, was to point
out to the South somewhat more clearly than, I
think, my colleague had done, the true grounds on
which the South may 'repose against Northern in-
terference; and to disclaim for my district the self-
ish consideration of our convenience, and temporary
prosperity on a great question of liberty. I would
add a remark, also, on the frequent allusions made
here to a dissolution of the Union.
Mr. DAViS of New York rose to explain: and
Mr. S. having yielded him the floor for that purpose,
he proceeded to say that he had no desire to discuss
the question, but had only stated, when up, why he
was in favor of a reference of the question. He had
deemed it due to the country and to himself to ex-
plain that, in advocating the reference, he had not
been actuated by the views of the abolitionists. He
was not one of them, nor was his part of the coun-
try with them, nor could it be. And it had been his
desire that the House should understand the reason
why they were not, and could not be. In stating it
to be against their personal interests, he had no pur-
pose to exclude the constitutional security he re-
spected as much as any man on that floor, and it
was sufficient always to keep Congress from any
attempt to interfere with the rights of the South.
But he wished to show why it was that he was not
and could not be an abolitionist, and to prevent his
vote for a reference of' the memorial from being
attributed to his holding abolition principles. Though
he respected the Constitution, yet if the Constitution
was silent oil the subject, and the South had no con-
stitutional rights to protect them, the people of the
North could not and would not, out of a regard to
their own security, desire or suffer the immediate
abolition of slavery at the South; and should any
such thing be attempted there, he, for one, was ready
to dissolve the Union.
Mr. STETSON resumed. I must say to my
respected colleague, that I think he out-Herods
Herod. He goes beyond Southern gentlemen them-
selves. He would dissolve the Union the moment
the South should abolish slavery, and for that
reason!
Mr. DAVIS, I would, if they were to do it sud-
denly. I certainly would.
Mr. STETSON. I cannot agree with my col-
league in that opinion; and repeat, I regret to hear as
I do from both the North and the South, so frequent
allusions to a dissolution of the Union, for that or
any other cause.
Mr. Speaker, I am utterly incredulous of the
truth of these frequent and ill-considered threats
and prophecies of so great a calamity to our nation.
They originate in unnecessary heat.
Sir, in my humble opinion, the continuance of
this Union does not depend on what any gentleman,
or all gentlemen, here, can do or say, nor on a secu-
rity so slight, and flail, and artificial, as the misera-
ble Qlst rule. Firebrands of discord may be thrown
into this House, and gentlemen here may throw
such out of it, to inflame the country; but that coun-
try, in the main, was cool, and quietly watched our
proceedings, and would see to it that this Union is
not dissolved, to realize these idle and ill-timed
prophecies.
Sir, rest assured, our glorious Union is destined
to endure long beyond the days of these false
prophets.
We have only to meet questions of excitement,
such as seem to be awakened by this petition, with
good temper and proper forbearance, and mutual
feelings of kindness and respect for our varied local
interests and sentiments,—and we can dispose of
them, not only without danger to the Union, but
even to the harmony and good order of this House.
On the question of the reference of this petition
I wiii say, I shall vote to send it to the Committee
on the Judiciary. I would not send it to a select
committee, because that would imply an inquiry
broader than the subject of the petition demands.
But, as to the law under which the petitioner is now
held in duress, and is advertised to be sold for costs,
I must say, with others who have preceded me,
that to me it seems not only a proper but an ur-
gent subject for the inquiry and action of the Ju-
diciary Committee. While I have a deep and
abiding respect for all constitutional guaranties, I
cannot forget that I have my mite of responsibility
for a proper system of legislation for this District;
and feel bound to do all in my power to secure to
he free bkeks & full freedom.
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2368/m1/35/: accessed March 28, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.