The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session Page: 45
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CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
45
been admitted free of duty. Then no railroad iron
had been manufactured in the Union; then no cap-
ital had been invested in this country in its manufac-
ture. But, let him tell the gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania, that Pennsylvania,- when she did import that
railroad iron free of duty, paid twelve dollars more
per ton than she could now manufacture it for. It
had been free of duty for ten years; foreigners then
had control of the whole market; domestic compe-
tition there was none. Then she had paid sixty
dollars per ton for railroad iron; and he pledged him-
self here that her manufacturers were ready to con-
tract now, where contracts could be made, at forty-
eight dollars per ton.
Mr HOLMES interposed, and asked if he under-
stood the gentleman to say that the T railroad could
now be obtained here in any quantity?
Mr. FOSTER replied in the affirmative.
Mr. HOLMES. Well, I will take a contract of
the gentleman. I am authorized to do so by the
railroads.
[Several voices: "Draw writings." Laughter.]
Mr. HOLMES. The gentleman will furnish it
at $48 per ton, free of duty?
Mr. BUFFINGTON replied that contracts could
be made, and would be willingly made, at $50 per
ton.
Mr. HOLMES. The T iron?
Mr. BUFFINGTON. Any iron.
The conclusion of the bargain was not heard by
the reporter; but
Mr. PHOENIX came forward, and was under-
stood to say that he would be glad to take a quanti-
ty of the gentleman's iron at the price he had stated.
[Laughter.]
Mr. FOSTER continued. The establishments in
Pennsylvania and in Maryland were already pre-
pared to make large contracts for the furnishing of
railroad iron. But had not the gentleman from
South Carolina, who yesterday had defended this
bill with so much warmth, told them that he was
willing the tariff should so be arranged as to yield
sufficient revenue for the government, and that all
he asked, and many other gentlemen who agreed
with him, was to bring the tariff to a revenue stand-
ard? -Was he to understand the gentleman from
South Carolina now that he wished railroad iron to
come in free of duty? Was that the revenue stand-
ard which the gentleman fiom South Carolina, and
those who acted with him, were disposed to make?
He was glad that the gentleman from South Caro-
lina had thus early given them information as to the
course he intended to pursue as to the question of
the tariff. The gentleman went for a revenue stand-
ard of duties: would the gentleman tell him how
much railroad iron it would be necessary to import
under the provisions of this bill, to raise revenue suf-
ficient for government? To-morrow the gentleman
might tell his friend from New England that "the
revenue standard" upon woollen and cotton goods
amounted to the same as it did in the gentleman's
action on iron; and he might make a similar declara-
tion to gentlemen from New York, and from other
States engaged in the manufacture of salt, iron,
wool, cotton, and sugar. Although the gentleman
professed to be in favor of a "revenue duty," he
(Mr. F.) should tell the people of his State, at least,
that the gentleman, by his action, was in favor of
having foreign iron come in dutyfree.
All that Pennsylvania asked was a fair, honest
settlement of this great question; she wanted it ad-
justed m some manner to give security to her citi-
zens. She had always maintained the doctrine that
the majority were to rule, and that their laws were
to be submitted to. From 1833 to 1842—a period
during which all her industrial pursuits had been
stricken down by the operation of the compromise
act—no arm had been raised there in defiance of the
authority of this government; but daily and hourly
they saw the whole of these interests going to de-
cay and destruction; and they waited until the ap-
peal made to the patriotism and good sense of the
American people prevailed in the passage of the
tariff of 1842, under which all her interests were be-
ginning to revive and look up. She now occupied
the same position she had occupied before the pas-
sage of the compromise act of 1833. The princi-
ple of the tariff of 1842, as far as related to the
manufacture of iron, of any description, or of eve-
ry description, was not too high.
He would state it as a reproach, to the American
character, that, in his own State, foreign railroad
iron had been laid down within six inches of the
finest beds of iron in the world. Such iron abound-
ed in Pennsylvania, Missouri, Tennessee, and New
Jersey; and yet foreign railroad iron had hitherto
been imported, and laid down on all our railroads.
He wanted to see the time arrive when, by the per-
fection of machinery, by the increased skill, and by
the increased capital of Pennsylvania, they would be
able to successfully compete with foreigners without
any protection at all. He knew that the time would
come; but he would tell gentlemen from the South
that it never would arrive unless adequate protec-
tion was given to our great interests in the begin-
ning. To show the beneficial effects of protection,
he would mention that in 1838, '39, and '40, when
railroad iron was brought in free of duty, and when
it was imported largely in all the States, it rose up
50 and 60 per cent.; but now, since the tariff of 1840,
it can be bought 12 per cent cheaper than it was in
1838, '39, and '40. He was really sorry to see his'
friend from South Carolina [Mr. Holmes] fall into
the arms of a coalition, which he believed had al-
ready begun between gome of the gentlemen of the
South and of New England; but let him tell the
New England gentlemen, that if they deserted Penn-
sylvania, and threw themselves into the arms of
the gentleman from South Carolina, they must not
expect the aid of the former when their own inte-
rests are in danger. Pennsylvania voted for and
with them in the protection of their cotton and
wobllen manufactures; and he would ask them
who it was that passed the tariff of 1842, by
which such ample protection was afforded to the
important interests of New England? When—let
him ask the gentleman of New England—did Penn-
sylvania ever falter on the question of protecting
domestic industry? Why then, when an attempt
was made to strike down at one blow her most im-
portant and vital interests, should it be countenanced
by those to whom Pennsylvania had always given
her support? Why was it, when Pennsylvania was
alone singled out from all the other States, and her
interests setup as a mark to be shot at, that he
found some of his friends from New England join-
ing in the attack? If they were disposed to desert
Pennsylvania now, let them not hereafter say,
whatever the action of Pennsylvania may be in re-
gard to a tariff, that she has deserted them. If the
majority of that House thought the duty on railroad
iron, or any kind of iron, was too high, why; let it
be reduced in a general bill; but when they were
asked to strike down this important interest, .not
for the sake of the farmer, or the mechanic, but for
the sake of large corporations, then he hoped they
would pause and consider whether they would be
consulting the interest of the country by adopting
the measure. He was glad that thus early in the
session a prominent member of the whig party had
brought forward a measure that would show the
people how far they were willing to protect their in-
terests, while they would exempt from taxation
wealthy incorporated companies, and impose its
burdens on the industry of the country. He want-
ed to know, and Pennsylvania wanted to know, if
there was a disposition in that House to strike
down her most important interests, while the inte-
rests of other portions of the Union were left un-
touched; and he wanted the vote on this bill to
decide that question. As he observed before, he
trusted there was no disposition in any part of the
House to sanction a measure such as this. Had
the introducers of this measure given, or could they
give, any reason why railroad iron should come in
free of duty, in preference to cotton or woollen goods?
Had they given any reason why it should come in
free in preference to cotton bagging? He knew that
he might listen in vain for any good reason that
could be given for the passage of this bill. Itmight
be that this question would come up in a general
bill while he was a member of the House, and then
he would be ready to meet it on its merits; but if
the tariff was to be attacked in this manner in detail,
according to what the gentleman from South Caro-
lina [Mr. Holmes] avows as his cherished policy,
where would it end? To-day the attack was on rail-
road iron, and next week the assault might be on
woollen or cotton goods. Then salt, and next the
sugar of Louisiana and lead of Missouri would be
attacked in detail. He was not in favor of going
behind the bushes and attacking the tariff in detail.
If it could not be sustained as a system, why, let it
igo down; and if that policy which the country had
cherished above all others could not be sustained in
all its parts, he was for letting it all fall together.
Mr. PAYNE observed that he would state in ad-
vance that he was opposed to the proposition before
the House, for the very sufficient reasons given by
the gentleman from Illinois in his remarks of yes-
terday. He saw no good reason why a measure tfFSps
sort should be passed in favor of corporations, tyliile
the burdens imposed by the present tariff on indi-
viduals were overlooked. But while he made this
avowal, he would say further, that he was in favor
of reducing the duties not only on iron, but on all
the articles of consumption which are taxed by
the tariff of 1842. He wanted a simple revenue
duty imposed on that article, as well as in every
other on which a duty is riow .levied by the govern-
ment. He had heard charges made on that
floor in relation to this subject, which he had tnet
throughout the country; and he was happy to hgve
the opportunity of meeting them there, as -he had
done during the last presidential canvass. .The
charge had been made that those who wereop-
posed to the tariff of 1842 were in favor of striking
off all duties levied on articles imported into the
country, and resQrting to a direct tax for the sup-
port of government. This charge was made du-
the last presidential canvass, and was not confined
to the sunny climes of the South, nor to the fro-
zen regions of the North; and as he had always re-
futed it whenever and wherever he heard it rnade,
he would -take the occasion to refute it now. No
individual of the democratic party with whom he
was acquainted was opposed to a tariff.of duties on
foreign imports. All they wanted .Was a; revenue
tariff sufficient for the economical support of the
government; and no member of the democratic par-
ty, so far as he was informed, had ever gone beyond
that. None of them, that he knew of, were in favor
of direct taxation. Mr. P. then went into an ex-
amination to show the amount of duties, and the
burden they would impose on. the consumers under
a tariff imposed for a revenue sufficient for the sup-
port of the government, with the adequate protec-
tion that such a tariff would afford to our manufao
turing interests, contrasting it with the injustice and
inequality of the present system.
He then went on to show that a revenue tariff
was as much protection to the manufacturer as
35 per cent., adding the cost of importation and
other incidental expenses, over and above the reve-
nue duty of 20 per cent. And was not that enough?
Why did those who were engaged in manufactures
demand such protection? They were told that labor
was cheaper in Europe than here. Be it, so. He
did not deny the proposition. But on the other
hand, there was the raw material, out of which the
articles were manufactured, which was much
cheaper here than there. Why, the raw material
of some—and some of the most important, too—
had to be sent from this country, subject to the ex-
pense of trans-shipment across the Atlantic; and
after being manufactured, they were again subject
to the expense of being sent back. Were not pro-
visions cheaper here than in England? And he
asked if machinery was not as good here as there?
Here, then, they perceived that the home manufac-
turer had a decided advantage over the European
manufacturer. Suppose they took into considera-
tion the interest on capital—and it would be seen
there was but little difference between the interest
at the North and the East, and the interest in Eu-
rope: and ^he apprehended it would not be denied
that the skill of the Yankees in everything concern-
ing dollars and cents, is equal to any skill in Great
Britain, or any other country beneath the sun.
Here, then, was the situation in which the whole
subject stood. They had seen that a revenue duty
of 20 per cent, afforded protection to the manufac-
turing interest of 35 per cent., and he put it to the
House if that was not sufficient.
He asked if the home manufacturer was not able
to compete with the foreign manufacturer, when
the protection which a revenue duty of even 20 per
cent, would afford, enabled him to get his labor for
nothing, while the European manufacturer was
obliged to pay something for labor, though the
amount might be small. It resulted, then, from what
he had said, that the democratic party was willing to
afford ample protection to the manufacturing interests
of the country; and it could afford that protection by
the revenue duty of 20 per cent, to which he had ad- -
verted. The question was not, then, as.was pretend-
ed, whether they should go to a system of free trade.
It was simply whether they should have a revenue
tariff which affords protection enough to the manu-
facturer to give him his labor free; ®r whether they
should have the tariff act of 1842, with all its inequal-
ities and injustice. It was a question whether the
necessary duty should be imposed for the. support
of the government, or whether an oppressive and un-
just tax should be imposed for the purpose of gor
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session, legislative document, 1845; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2366/m1/61/: accessed April 19, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.