The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session Page: 23
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CONCESSIONAL GLOBE.
It was true, he admitted, that it would lessen the
amount derived from a given quantity of land; but
it was not true that all the aid from the lands would
be taken away by the operation of this bill. The
gentleman, ill opposing this bill, had thought proper
to call upon the old States for aid. He had been
sorry to hear the gentleman make this appeal; but
he had believed, and he still believed, that "Vermont
was prepared to do like justice to the new as well
as to the old States. If the law was to be opposed
on the ground of sectional interest, the gen-
tleman's argument was much more subtle than
might have been supoosed. He knew the gen-
tleman came from a manufacturing and wool-
growing country, and he knew that a large
amount of operatives in the old States might be
induced, if the price of the lands was reduced, to
come to the West, where they could become inde-
Eendent landholders, and find themselves good
omes at 25 cents an acre; and that the gentleman,
and other gentlemen from his section of the country,
might not like this, and hence might oppose the bill.
After noticing one or two other of the objections
of Mr. Collamer to the bill, Mr. D. concluded with
a warm appeal to gentlemen from the old States and
ffom the new States—to gentlemen of every politi-
cal party, to come up to the support of this bill, in
order to mete out justice, and only sheer justice, to
the people of the West, which demanded that re-
ductions should be made upon lands that had been
in market 20 or 30 years, because they were not
worth as much as fresh lands which had just been put
into market. As his colleague had remarked, and
as the gentleman from Vermont and the House
knew, the western States were largely indebted; and
it would have an immense influence in relieving
them to bring about this desirable provision of re-
ducing the lands to their fair value, as it would en-
hance the population of these States, and conse-
quently enhance the taxable property in a much
greater ratio than the mere value of the lands.
Mr. VINTON remarked that this bill was, in his
opinion, one of the'most important that had been
presented to the House for a long time. It struck
at the value of more than a thousand millions of
property. It had been here, to his certain knowl-
edge, for twenty years; from time to time it had, in
its substantial provisions, received the consideration
of the House, and had as often been rejected.
This bill (said Mr. V.) proceeded on the false
supposition that they had nothing to do but to re-
duce the price of the public lands, and they would
immediately be occupied and brought into cultiva-
tion. Nothing was more fallacious; he undertook to
say, if this bill became a law, that they could not
enhance the population of the western country by
a single individual, nor could they expedite the sales
of the public lands by a single acre per an-
num; and, for a time at least, the operation
of this bill would be essentially to diminish
the sales of the public lands. When the present
land system, or its basis, was laid down immedi-
ately after the American revolution, it had attracted
the deepest interest, and excited the most careful
attention of the American people. And whoever
would take time to look into the system as then
regulated, would perceive that it had been adjusted
with the utmost caution, so as to keep up a proper
adjustment and proportion between the demands for
lands and the quantities put into market. We had
a public domain which extended to the Pacific; and
they could, by their legislation, glut the market at
once, or they could reduce the quantity below the
demand, by withdrawing it from the market. Now,
when this land system had commenced, no man
had been allowed to go upon such of the public lands
as had not been surveyed and brought into market.
That was the great principle by which they had been
enabled to keep the supply of the market within the
demand. But by permitting settlers to go to lands
not brought into market, the government had, with-
in the last 15 or 20 years, m a great measure lost
its control over the supply for the market; and the
result was that we had now got into market an
amount of land which would sustain, and sustain
" in more comfort, forty millions of people, than the
people who now lived in that country enjoyed. And
because that country, adequate to sustain forty mil-
lions of people, was not taken up immediately,
gentlemen argued that it was valueless, and its price
must be reduced. No; it was because we had not
people who could occupy it, that it was not taken.
Whoever knew any thing of the settlement of a
new country, as he professed to know, (having lived
in a new State more .than a quaTter of a century,)
would know that, after new lands had been brought
into the market, the country was nearly a wilderness
for the first five years, even under ■ the most favora-
ble circumstances. In the State of Ohio, at the end
of 20 years, very little land except what was en the
highways and water courses had been occupied
and settled. In his own district,lands that had been
20,30, and 40 years in the market seeking purJhasers
and notable to find them, had been since sold at $1 25
per acre, and were found to be valuable and pro-
ductive.
The progress of settlement disclosed the value of
lands which was not before known. Land districts
that were once regarded as valueless, were now known
to be the best in the State; agricultural improve-
ments having brought out resources that were before
unknown to the western country. An entire gen-
eration must, by the law of inevitable necessity, pass
away before the lands now in the market could be
settled and cultivated. What power had the legis-
lation of Congress over the progress of population?
As well might they by legislation attempt to swell
the flood of the Mississippi, or accelerate the course
of the sun, as to attempt the settlement of these
lands faster than the natural progress of population
required. How many millions of acres *of land
were there now in Indiana, that had been twenty
years in the market, and which, though as good as
any lands in the country, would be sold, under this
bill, at twenty-five cents per acre? The gentlemen
from Indiana both said that this law was intended
for the benefit of the poor man. He trusted that he
was as much interested for the poor man as any one,
and he had participated in legislation for their spe-
cial benefit. We have (said he) made a law for the
poor man, by which a section of land is cut up into
sixteen parts, so that the man who can raise fifty
dollars, can get forty acres of good land, and that
was as much as he could cultivate to advantage. If
he had more given him, it would injure, instead of
benefiting him.
11 was agreat misfortune to the western country that
the settlers generally had too much land; and the con-
sequence was, that from their large farms the settlers
were able to produce little more than an English
farmer would raise in a fence corner. This was ow-
ing to the imperfect manner of their cultivation.
Was it not to the interest of the country that its la-
bor should be bestowed on the best and most pro-
ductive lands? It certainly was; and if the best and
most productive lands, and those of an inferior qual-
ity, could not be both cultivated at the same time, it
was the interest of the country that the former
should be first cultivated. He contended that the
government could not induce poor men to go on the
poor lands, even if they gave them to them for noth-
ing. Would they upturn the great system, the ben-
efits of which they had been experiencing for so
many years, for the sake of selling valueless lands?
It was true that there were vast bodies of lands that
were nothing but swamps and barren wastes; but
would they legislate for the purpose of selling them?
They might as well legislate for the purpose of sell-
ing the lands that were covered by the waters of the
lakes, as for the purpose of selling swamps and sand
barrens. The passing of this bill would add nothing
to the national wealth, and nothing to the productive
industry of the country. By it they would accom-
plish nothing but to upturn the great land sys-
tem of the country, which had operated so bene-
ficially for so many years past.
But this bill proposed to confine the right to pur-
chase lands at a reduced price to those who are to
become actual settlers, or who own farms adjacent
to the lands they purchase. Did gentlemen imagine
that this would have any beneficial effects, either
upon those who resided near the lands" they wished
to purchase, or upon the revenues of the country?
The benefits of the bill were to be confined to actual
settlers, or to those who owned adjacent farms; but
the farmer who wished to make an investment out
of his annual profits, (as was the case now with
hundreds in the western country,) was excluded.
Again: he undertook to say that, if this bill passed,
there would be another scene of wild and reckless
speculation in western lands- You reduce, (said
he,) at one single blow, the price of these lands
down to 25 cents the acre-, and what will be the con-
sequence? You will practically make knaves of a
great portion of the people who live in that section
of the country. A man will go to the land office
and make eath that he intended to purchase this
320 acres of land for actual settlement, or that they
are adjacent to his farm. Suppose he changed his
intention after getting the lands, and sold them; was
there anything to prevent him from doing it? How
are you to prove that his oath was not an honest
oath? Was there anything in this bill that restrict-
ed such a man from transferring his land? The mo-
ment this bill passed, hordes of speculators would
go out from the large cities, and swear that they in-
tended to settle these lands themselves. These
lands would be bought up by speculators, who
would pay a little more for the oaths that would be
taken. Everybody knew that thousands of false
oaths had been taken under the land laws; and yet
he had never heard of a single prosecution for them.
Mr. V. next adverted to the evil policy of over-
stimulating agricultural production beyond the wants
of the country, which would bring down prices at a
ruinous rate; after which,
Mr. FICKLIN rose and obtained the floor, but
gave way to
Mr. DROMGOOLE, on whose motion the c m-
mittee rose and reported the election bill to the
House, and reported progress on the land bill.
On motion by Mr. HOUSTON, the substitute
proposed by Mr. Dromgoole was ordered to be
printed.
Mr. HALE gave notice that he would to-morrow,
or some convenient day, ask leave to bring in a bill
to abolish the office of Commissioner of the Public
Buildings.
The House then adjourned.
The following -notices of petitions presented to-
day, were handed to the reporters by the members
presenting them:
By Mr. RATHBUN: The papers in the case of Richard
Elliot for a pension: referred to the Committee on Revo-
lutionary Pensions:
By Mr. PRATT: The petition of Roswell Woodworth for
an increase of pension
Ey Mr. ALBERT SMITH: The petition of Barbara Burn-
ham, widow of Captain John Burnham, a revolutionary
pensioner, praying for a pension: referred to the Committee
on Revolutionary Pensions.
By Mr. BIDLACK: The application of Reuben Taylor, of
Luzerne county, Pennsylvania, for a pension on account of
services as a privateer: referred to the Committee on Naval
Affairs.
By Mr. CLINTON: The memorial of Lieutenant John T.
McLaughlin, of the United States navy: refeired to the Com-
mittee on Public Expenditures.
By Mr. HUGHES: The petition of Harrison "Whitson,
asking Congress to pay him for forage, provisions, &c., fur-
nished Captain Gilliam's company of mounted Florida
volunteers in 1837, under contract made with said Gilliam.
By Mr. ATKINSON: The memorial of the president and.
directors of the DKmal Sw amp canal company, ask'ing to be
paid their account against the t'nited States for moneys ex-
pended for the United States: referred to the Committee of
Claims.
By Mr. BARRINGER: The petition of Matthias Morse
and -224 others, citizens of North Carolina, in favor of re-
building the branch mint at Charlotte, North Carolina. The
petition of Joseph "W. Scott and 19 others, m favor of the
same object. The petition of Charles A Weisenheimerand
351 other citizens of North Carolina, in favor of the same
object: referred to the Committee of Ways and Means.
By Mr. MURPHY: The petition of Sarah Howard, "widow
of James Howard, deceased, for a pension: referred to the
Committee on Revolutionary Pensions.
By Mr. ROBERT SMITH: The petition and papers ot
John Stone, praying a pension: referred to the Committee
on Invalid Pensions. The petition and papers of John W,
Hockett: referred to the Committee of Claims. The peti-
tion of Peter Shaffer- referred to the Committee of Claims.
The petition of Robert Leybold, praying a grant of luad:
referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims.
IN SENATE.
Thursday, December 12, 1844.
Mr. Haywood, of North Carolina, appeared in
his seat to-day.
On motion by Mr. BENTON, it was
Ordered, That the petition of Thomas Allen, praying" ctrnf-
ensation for printing a compendium of the sixth census, be-
taken from the files and referred to the Committee on Fi-
nance.
Mr. MERRICK presented the memorial of the
heirs of Joseph "Watson deceased, praying compen-
sation for sorviveg rendered by him to the United
States in the Territory of Michigan, between the
years of 1806 and 1808: referred to the Committee
on Claims.
Mr. ARCHER gave notice that he would, to-
morrow, ask leave to introduce a bill to increase the
salary of the judge of the district court of the United
States for the western district of Virginia; also a bill
for the relief of Miles King and his assignees.
Mr. FAIRFIELD presented the petition of Thos.
McLellan and twenty-five others, citizens of Maine,
asking indemnity for French spoliations prior to
1800.
Mr. F. said, he trusted the Committee on Foreign
Relations, to whom he should move to refer it, would
pardon him for calling their especial attention to H
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session, legislative document, 1845; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2366/m1/39/?rotate=90: accessed April 30, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.