The Texian Advocate. (Victoria, Tex.), Vol. 3, No. 44, Ed. 1 Friday, March 2, 1849 Page: 1 of 4
four pages : ill. ; page 24 x 17 in. Digitized from 35 mm. microfilm.View a full description of this newspaper.
Extracted Text
The following text was automatically extracted from the image on this page using optical character recognition software:
H
®e*ian
* V .V
bmtñit.
■
i-
,*¿.5','" r^fyl
■ '• -<•'•, \*f ; ¥d
:\ • ■ ■<
¿«MI
PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY JOHN D. LOGAN AND THOMAS STERNE AT «3 IN ADVANCE, $i IN SIX MONTHS, OR ft* AT THE END OF THE YEAR*
MM
>. IN /\
VICTORIA, TEXAS, FRIDAY, MARCH 2, 1849.
i j
reSS^7"'-
or Congrí
r%tberu9I<!in
-4. To riiem
CQjJS'lTfUENTS
I Wo, whoso'uam ow&r'a hereuntoannexed,
aWress you in tbe^ctiar^Qtff w|iqjt, we be
k
t
| fieve to bo a sole.tljjjj duty rón tíuJftost im-
portant subject even presented fuiCÁuur con-
sideration. We ajuide to the conflict be-
tween the two grmt sections of the Union,
lowing out of a .difference of feeling and
*on in referenda, to the relation existing,
' the twovraCes, tho European and*
, which jjjliabit thq southern section,
aggression and encroach-
it has Jed. -
pt commenced not long after
lament of our independence,
Jly increased until it has ar-
in' • 'fir,,Nnlh "r1;;81
hi'X<v" iggressionpias fol-
t session, and eucroacliment en-
i&'d it, until they have reached a point
ktygard for peace and safety will not
'• us to remain longer silent. Theob-
jf this address is to give you n clear,
ct, but brief account of the whole se-
of aggression and encronchments on
rights, with a Statement of the dan-
to which they expose you. Our object
king it, is not to cause excitement,
- you in full possession of all the
and circumstances necessary to a full
wst ci incept ¿on of a deep seated disease,
threatens great danger to you ami
hole body politic. We acton tlieim-
n PF in a popular government like
inception of the actual char-
ol' n disease is indispensable
AN Aturo.
a juiut address, because
{Zliti magnitude of the subject
/¡eil\ should assume the most im-
jení'í/ sülemn form
jT«"furthor hack, the diflorenc.o of
lin y reference to the re-
in xrceti the two racos, disclosed it-
iiii convention that framed the con-
to ¡Ad constituted one of the greatest
"informing it. After many el-
/as overcome hy a compiomise,
A divided, in the first place, that
.lives and direct taxes shall be ap-
among the States according to
■ espective numbers; and that, in as-
'ning the number of oacli, live slaves
be estimated as three. In the next,
slaves escaping into States where slave-
>cs nut exist, shall not bo disch irged
Servitude, but slnll be delivered up on
n of the party to whom their labor or
'ice is due. In the third placo, that
•iii rctis shall not prohibit the importation
laves before the year 1838; but a tax
exceeding ten dollars may be imposed
_ each imported. And finally, that no
litation or direct tax shall be laid, hut in
jportion to federal numbers; and that no
'idmcut of the constitution,prior to 1808,
affect this provision, nor that relating
, importation of slaves.
s itisfic'ory were these provisions,tli: t
ccotid, relative to the delivering up if
slaves, was adopted unanimously;
II the rest, except the third, relative to
Dortatiun of slaves until 1808, with
' .Mini unnnimity. Thov recognize
iciice of slavery, and make u spe-
—ision Ibr its protection where it was
1 to be the most exposed. Thev go
'id incorporate it, as an important
1511 determining the relative woight
r"'"'al States in the government of
and the respective burden they
11 in laying capitation and direct
" ' "l*is well understood at the time
ad tu. t|,Cinj tho constitution would
•r¡ ° ii adopted by the Southern
1,8 •""""'course, that tlioy constituted
D'-l'P'8lli nt- grand- that it
A-^vitiiout them.—
Of the hor'j a^'knowing all this, rat-
Dread Aayátjon, thereby pledging their
Ailnvyhost solemn manner, sacredly
^j'them. How that faith has been
i|mt pledge redeemed, wo shall
s',ow*
(ffcec exceptions, of no great impor-
•Vithjj South had no cause to complain
cq the year 1811)—n year, it is to be
ed, destined to mark a train of events,
ging with them many, and great, and
I disasters, oil the country nnd its insti-
S } Willi it commenced the agitating
c on tho question of the admission of
souri into the Union. We shall pass by,
vo present, this question, and others of
'■ lie kind, directly growing out of it,
"tf.sluil proceed to consider the cffects of
,- ^ojrit of^discord which it roused up bc-
two sections. It first disclosed
in the North, hy hostility to that por-
, of the constitution which provides for
delivering up of fugitive slaves. In its
progress, it led to tho adoption of hostile
nets, intended to render it of noil effect, and
f with so much success, that it inay he regar-
ded now ns practically expunged from tho
¿constitution. How this has been effected,
ill be next explained.
After a careful examination, truth con-
ains us to say, that it has been by a clear
I palpable evasion of the constitution.'
s impossible for any provision tobe inore
from ambiguity or doubt. It is in the
\owing words: 4Noperson held to service
i labor, v State, under the laws there
jf| e«cfcbo|.ntb another State, slinll, In con-
Ztfc lnw or regulation therein,
And „wr,e7;oln ?uch 8erV'0°.Or 'ftbour'
Emblem of UP 0,1 ^n,m (lf
A . . men service or labor mav be
And roMiiib „„
w. . ... ^ar. 1 here is not an uncer-
„ 1 "Liical word to bo found in the
po° 8 * n. What shall not bo done,
In iwful(|| |je donG) nro fully nnd ex-
Roll tlbrth. The former provides that
Frum pl glave shall not be discharged
By b«n*y it tide by any law or regulation
I' h*ata wherein ho is found; and the
An^ut he shall be delivered up ou claim
& f">er.
T
Et. not deem it ncccssary to undertake
the sophistry and subterfuges by
ÁvbicK'^b plain a provision of thé consftu-
tion hits been evaded, and, in cffoct, ani^ill-
constitutes an essential part of the
cáhis^Kutional compact, and of course of the
supr^ipo law of the land. As such, it is
binding^nTfcU-iho federal and State govern-
monts^tho States nn^the individuals com-
posing them. The sacred obligation of
compact,nnd the solemn injunction of tho
.'supreme law, which legislators nnd judges,
both' federal and State, are bound by oath
jto support, all; unite to enforce its fulfilment,
'according to its plain meaning and true in-
tent. What that menuing nnd intent lire,
there was no diversity of opinion, in tho bet-
ter daVs of the republic, prior to 1819.—
Congress, State legislatures, State and fed-
eral judges and magistrates, nnd people, nil
spontaneously placed tho same Interpreta-
tion on it. During that period none inter-
posed impediments in the way of the own-
er seeking to recover his fugitive slave; nor
did.nn^den.v his rii;ht tu
facility to enforce his cútlin to have him de-
livered up. It was then nearly as easy to
recover one found in Northern State, as one
found in n neighboring southern State. But
this has passed away, and tho provision is
defunct, except perhaps in two States.*
When we take into consideration tho im-
portance and clearness of this provision, the
evasion by which it has been set aside may
fairly bo regarded as one of tho most fatal
blows ever received by the South and the
Union, This cannot bo inoro concisely and
correctly stated than it has becn'^y two of
the Inni ned judges of the Supreme Court of
thcJUiiitcd States. In one of his dccisionsf
JuJgo Story said: "Historically, it is well
kltown thai the object of this clause was to
secure to the citizens of the shrteholding
States the complete right and titla of own-
ership in their slaves, as propcrtygin every
State of the Union, into which twy might
escapo from the State wherein ftey were
held in servitude." "The full recognition
of this right and title was indispensable to
tho security of this species of property in
all the slnvcholding Stales, and, indeed, was
so vital to the preservation of their interests
and institutions, that it cannot be doubted
that it constituted a fundamental article,
without the adoption of which the Union
would not have been formed. Its true de-
sign was to guard ag linst the doctrines and
principles prevalont in the non-slaveholding
States, by preventing them from intermed-
dling with, or restricting, or nbolidiing the
rights of tilo owners of slaver."
Again: "Tho clause was therefore of the
last importance to the saf ty and security of
ill < S mthcru Stales, and could not be sur-
rendered by them without endangering their
whole property in slaves. The clause was
accordingly 'tidoplcd in tho constitution, bv
the unanimous'consent of tho framersofil
—a proof at once of its intrinsic and practi-
cal necessity."
Again: "The clause manifestly contem-
plates the existence of a positive unqualified
rii>hi on the part of the ou nor of the slave,
which no Sute law or regulation can in any
way regulate, control, qualify, or restrain,"
The opinion of tho other learned judges
was not less emphatic as to the importance
of this provision, and the unquestionable
right of tho South under it. Judge Bildwin,
in charging tho jury, said 4 "If there arc
any rights of property wnich can bo enforc-
ed—if one citizen have any rights of prop-
erty which are inviolable under the protec-
tion of the supreme law of the Stale, and
the Union, they are those which have been
sot at nought by some of these defendants.
As the owner of property which ho had a
period right to possess, protect and tako
away—as n citizen of a sister State, entitled
to all the privileges and immunities of citi-
zens ofany other State, Mr. Johnson stands
boforo you on ground which cannot bo ta-
ken from under him; it is tho same ground
on which the government itself is based.—
If the defendants can be justified, we have
no longer law or government." Again, af-
ter referring moro particularly to the provi-
sion for delivering up fugitive slaves, he
said: "Thus you see that tho foundations of
the government nro laid nnd rest on the
right of property in slaves. Tho whole
structure must fall by disturbing the corner
stone."
These nre grave, nnd solemn, and admon-
itory words, from a high source. They con-
firm nil for which the South has ever con-
tended, as to the clearness, importance, and
fundamental character of this provision, and
the disastrous consoquenccs which would
inevitably follow from its violation. But in
spite of these solemn warnings, tho viola-
tion then commenced, nnd what they were
intended to rebuke, has been fully nnd per-
fectly consummated. The citizens of the
South, in their attempt to recover their
slaves, now mocf, instead of aid nnd co-op-
eration, resistance in every form ¡resistance
from hostile nets of legislation, intended to
baffle and defeat their claims by all sorts of
devices, nnd by interposing every descrip-
tion of impediment—resistance from judges
nnd magistrates—and,finally,when all these
fill from mobs, composed of whites and
blacks, which, by threats or force, rescue
the fugitive slnvo from tho possession of his
rightful owner. The attempt to recover a
slnve, in nust of the Northern States, can-
not now be made without tho hazard of in-
sult, heavy pecuniary loss, imprisonment,
nnd oven of life itself. Already has a wor-
thy citizen of Mnryland|| Inst his life in mak-
ing nn attempt to enforce his claim to a fu-
gitive slave under his provision.
But a provision of the constitution may be
violated indirectly as well us directly, by
doing nn act in its nature inconsistent with
that which is enjoined to be done. Of this
form of violation there is n striking instance
connected with the provision under conside-
ration. We nllude to street combinations
which arc believed to exist in many of the
Northern States, whose object is to entice,
decoy, entrap, inveigle, and seduce slaves
•Indians and Illinois.
tTlio esto of Prigg vs. tho Commonwealth of
Ponnoy'vunln.
$Tho ewe of Johnson vs. Tompkins and oth
HI.
IIKrnnedy, of Jlngerstown, Md.
to escape from their owners, and to pass
them secretly and rapidly, by moans organ-
ized fur the purpose, iuto Cunada, where
they will be beyond the roach of the provi-
sion. That to entice a slave, by whatever
artifice, to abscond from his owner into a
non-slaveholding State, with the intention
to place him beyond the rcacli of tho provi-
sion or prevent his recovery, by conceal-
ment or otherwise, is as completely repug-
nant to it as its open violation would be, is
too clear to admit of doubt or require illus-
tration. Aud yet, as repugnnnt as these
combinations are to the true intent of the
provision, it is believed (hat, with the above
exception,not one of^ieStutes within whose
limits they exist h«V adopted any measure
to suppress them, or to punish those by
whoso agency tho object for wnich they
were formed is carried into execution. On
tho contrary, they have looked on and wit-
nessed with indifference, if not wjth secret
npprohqiinn,,-. grcil ll'HOÍier of BlnVCS BI1-' 'ufo Uií> UííiOTU--
ticcd from their owners nnd placed beyond
the possibility of recovery, to the great an-
noynnco nnd heavy pecuniary loss of the
bordering Southern Stutes.
When we toko into consideration the great
importance of this provision, the absence of
nil uncertainty as to its true meaning and
intent, the many guards by which it is sur-
rounded to protect nnd enforce it, and then
reflect how completely tho object for which
it was inserted in tho constitution is defeat-
ed by these two-fold infractions, we doubt,
inking all together, whethern moreflagrunt
broach of fuith is to bo found on record.—
We know tho language we have used is
strong, but it is not less true than strong.
There remains tu be noticed another class
of aggressive nets, of a kindred character,
but which, instead of striking at an express
and specific provision ol tho constitution,
aims directly at destroying the relation be-
tween the two races nt the South, by means
subversive in their tondcncy of one of the
ends for which the constitution was estab-
lished. Wo refer to the systematic agita-
tion of the question by the abolitionists;
which, commencing about 1835, is still con-
tinued in all possible forms. Tlioir avowed
intention is to bring about a state of things
that will forco emancipation on tho South.
To unite tho Northern fixed hostility to
slavery in the South, and to excite discon-
tent among the slaves with their condition,
nro among the moans employed to effect it.
With a view to bring about the former, eve-
ry means arc resorted to in order to render
the South, and the relation between the
two races there, odious and hateful to the
North. For this purpose societies and news-
papers are everywhere established, debat-
ing clubs opened, lecturers employed, pam-
phlets and other publications, pictures nnd
petitions to Congress resorted to, nnd direc-
ted to that single point, regardless of truth
or decency; while the circulation of incen-
diary publications in the South, the ngitn-
tion of the subject of abolition in Congress,
nnd tho employment of emissuries, arc re-
lied on to excite discontent amoiigthc slaves.
This agitation nnd the uso of these monns,
have boon continued, with more or less ac-
tivity, for a scries of years, not without do-
ing much towards effecting tho object in-
tended. Wo regard both object and means
to be aggressive nnd dangerous to the rights
of tho South, nnd subversive, us stated, of
one of the ends for which the constitution
was established. Slavery is a domestic in-
stitution. It belongs to the States, each
Ibr itself, to decide whether it shall be es-
tablished or not; and, if it bo established,
whether it should lie abolished or not. Such
being the clear and unquestionable right of
the States, it follows necessarily that it
would be a flagrant act of aggression on a
State, destructive of its rights, nnd subver-
sive of its independence, for the federal go-
vernment, or one or more States, or their
people, to undortako to force on it the eman-
cipation of its slaves. But it is a sound
maxim in politics, as well as law and mor-
als, that no one h.is n right to do that indi-
rectly which he cannot do directly, nnd it
may be added with equal truth, to aid, or
abet, or countenance another in doing it.—
And yet the abolitionists of tho North, open-
ly avowing their intention, nnd rcsoiling to
the most efficient means for the purpose,
have been attempting to bring about a state
of things to force the Southern States to c-
mancipate their slaves, without any act on
the part of any Northern State to arrcBt or
suppress the means by which they propose
to accomplish it. Tlicy have hoop permitted
to pursue their object, nnd to use whatever
means tlioy please; if without aid or coun-
tenance, also without resistance or disappro-
bation. What gives a deeper shudc to the
whole affair is the fuct, that one of the means
to their object, that of exciting discontent
among our slaves, tends directly to subvert
what its preamble declares to be one of the
ends for which tho constitution was ordain-
ed nnd established—"to insure domestic
tranquillity"—nnd that in the only wny in
which domestic tranquility is liMfely ever to
bo disturbed in the South. Certain it is,
that nn ngitation so systematic—having
such an object in view, and sought to be
carried into execution by such means—
would, between independent nations, consti-
tute just causo of rcmonstrnncc by the par-
ty ngninst which tho aggression wns direc-
ted, nnd, if not bonded, an nppeal to arms
for redress. Such being the case where an
aggression of the kind takes place among
independent nations, how much more aggra-
vated must it bo between confederated
States, where the Union precludes an appenl
to nrms, while it affords a medium through
which it can operate with vastly increased
forco and effect? That it would bo perver-
ted to such a use, never entered into the
imagination of the generation which formed
and ndopted the constitution; and, if it hnd
boon supposed it would, it is certain that
the South never would havo adopted it.
We now return to the question of tho ad-
mission of Missouri into the Union, nnd shall
proceed to give a brief sketch of the occur-
ronces connected with it, nnd the consequen-
ces to which it has directly led. In the lat-
ter part of 1819, the then territory of Mis
fur leave to form a State constitution and
government, in order to be admitted into the
Union. A bill was reported for the purpose,
with tho usual provisions in such cuses. A-
mendments wero offered, having.lor their
objoct to mako it a condition of her admis-
sion, that her conftlúu&bn should hpve a pro-
vision to prohibit slavery. This brought nn
tho agitating debate, which, wlth_jl o cffects
that followed, has done so much to alienate
the South and North, and endanger our po-
litical iiKtitutions. Those who objocted t*
the amendments, rested their opposition on
the high grounds of tho right of ae|f govern-,
ment. They claimed that a territory, hav-
ing reached tho period when it is proper for
it to form a constitution and government for
itself, becomes fully vested .with all the
rights of self-government; and that even the
condition imposed on it by the federal con-
stitution, relates not to the formation of its
constitution nnd government, bTf^ts admis
the govern-
provides, as a condition, that
ment must be republican.
They claimed that Congress has no right
to add to this condition, and that tu assume
it would be tantamount to the assumption
of the right to make its ontire constitution
and government; as no limitation could be
imposed as to the extent of the light, if it
bo admitted that it exists at all. Those who
supported the amendment denied these
grounds, and claimod the right ofCongrcss
to impose, nt discretion, whut conditions it
pleased. In this agitating debaté, tho two
sections stood arrayed against each other,
the South in favor of tho bill without am nd-
ment, nnd tho North opposed to it without
it. Tho debate and agitation continued un-
til the session was well advanced; but it be-
came apparent towards its close, that the
people of Missouri were fixed and resolved
in their opposition to the proposed condition,
and that they would certainly reject it, nnd
adopt a constitution without it, should the
bill pnss with the condition. Such being
tho case, it required no great effort of mind
to perceive, that Missouri, once in posses-
sion of a constitution and government, not
simply on paper, but with legislators elect-
ed, and officers nppuintcd to curry them in-
to effect, tho grave questions would be pre-
sented whether she was of right n State or
Territory; and, if tho latter, whether Con-
gress had the right, and if the right, the
power, to abrogate her constitution, disperse
licr legislature, and tu remand her back to
the territorial condition. These were great,
nnd, under tho circumstances, fcnrlnl ques-
tions—too fearful to bo met by those who
had raised the agitation. From that time
the only question wns, how to escnpe from
the difficulty. Fortunately n means was af-
forded. A compromise (as it was cnllcd,)
was offered, based on tho terms that thu
North should cease to oppose tho admission
of Missouri on tho grounds fur which the
South contended, nnd that the provisions of
tho ordinances of 1718, for the government
of the northwestern territory, should be ap-
plied to all the territory acquired by the li-
nked States from Franco under the treaty
of Louisiana, lying north of 30 3ft, except
the portion lying in the State of Missouri.
The northern members embraced it; nnd al-
though not originating with them, adopted
it as their own. It wr.s forced through Con-
gress by the almost united votes ofthcNorth,
against a minority consisting almost entire-
ly of members from the southern States.
Such was the termination of this, the first
conflict, under the constitution, between the
two sections, in reference to slavery, in con-
nection with the territories. Many hailed
it ns n permanent nnd final adjustment that
would prevent the recurrence of similar con-
flicts; but others, less sanguine, took the op-
posite nnd inoro gloomy view, regarding it
ns the precurser of n trnin of events which
might rend the Union asunder, nnd prostrate
otir political system. One of those was tho
experienced and sagacious Jefferson. Thus
far timo would seem to favor his forebodings.
May ii returning sense of justice, and a pro-
tecting provideuco avert their final fulfil-
ment.
For many years the subject of slavery, in
reference to tho territories, ceased to agi-
tntc the country. Indications, however,
connected with the question of annexing
Texas, showed clenrly that it was rendy to
break out ngain, with redoubled violence,
on some future occasion. The difference iu
the case of Texas was adjusted by extend-
ing the Missouri compromise lino of 30 30,
from its terminus, on the western boundary
of the Louisiana purchase to thu western
boundary of Texas. The agitation again
ceased for a short period.
Tho war with Mexico soon followed, and
that terminated in the acquisition of Now
Mexico and Upper California, embracing an
area equal to about one half of the entire
valley of the Mississippi. If to this we add
the portion of Oregon acknowledged tu be
ours by the recent irenty with England,our
whole territory on the Pacific nnd West of
the Rocky Mountains will be found to be in
extent but little less than that vast valley.
Tho near prospect of so great an addition
rekindled tho excitement between the North
and South, in relercnce to slavery in its
connection with tho territories, which has
bocomo, since those on tho Pacific were ac-
quired, more universal and intense than
ever.
The cffects have been to widen the dif-
ference between the two sections, nnd to
give a more determined and hostile charac-
ter to their conflict. The North no longer
respects the Missouri compromise line, al-
though adopted by their almost unanimous
vote. Instead of comprom se, they nvow
that their detorminaiion is to exclude slave-
ry from all the territories of the United
States, acquired or to bo acquired; and, of
courso, to prevent the citizens of tho South-
ern States from emigrating with their pro-
perty in slaves into any of thrtn. Their
object, they allege, is to prevent the exten-
sion of slavery, and ours to extend it, thus
making the issue between them and us to
be the nuked question, shnll slavery bo ex
tended or not ? We do not deem it neces-
sary, looking to the object of this nddress,
at the Inst session, whether Congress has
tho right to exclude the citizens of the South
from emigrating with their property into
territorios belonging to tho. confederated
Stutes of the Union. What we propose in
this connection is, to make a few remarks
on what the North alleges, erroneously, to
be the issue between us nnd them.
So far from maintaining tho doctrine
which the issuo implies, we hold that the
federal government hus no right to extend
or restrict slavery, no moro than to estab-
lish or abolish it; nor has it any right what-
ever ¿o distinguish between the institutions
of one Stnte or soction and another, in or-
der to fuvor the one, and discourage the o-
ther. As the federal representatives ol
each and all the States, it is bound to deal
out, within the sphere of its powors, equal
and exact justice and fuvor to all. To act
othorwiso, to undertake to discriminate be-
tween the domestic institutions of one and
iVoiltff-mj U) rfwfc Ku'iWi
of the end for which it was established—to
be the ciyiimon protector nnd gu irdian of all.
Bntertnining these opinions, we ask not, as
the North alleges we do, fur the extension
of slavery. That would mako a discrimi-
nation in our favor as unj ist and unconsti-
tutional ns tho discrimination they ask a-
gainst us in their fiivor. It is not for them
nor for tho federal government to determine
whether our domestic institution is good or
bad; or whctlnr it should bo repressed or
preserved. It belongs to us, and us only,
to decide such questions. What then we
do insist on, is, not to extend slavery, but
tliat we shall not be prohibited from immi-
grating, with our property, into the territo-
ries of tho United States, bocauso we are
slaveholders; or, in other words, that we
shall not on that account be disfranchised
ol'n privilege pussessed by all others, citi-
zens and foreigners, without discrimination
as to character, profession, or co!or. All
whether savage, Imrbiirian, or civilized, mav
freely enter und remain, we only being ex-
cluded.
We rest our claim, not only on the high
grounds nbove stated, but ulso on the solid
foundation of right, justice und equality.—
The territories immediately in controversy
—New Mexico nnd California—were ac-
quired by the cummon sacrifice nnd efforts
of all the States, towards which the South
contributed lor more than her full share oí'
men*, to say nothing of money; and is, of
course, on every principle of right, justice,
fairness, and equality, entitled to partici-
pate fully in the benefits to be derived from
their acquisition. But as impregnable as
is this ground, thcro is another not less so.
Ours is n federal government—n govern-
ment in which, not individuals, but States,
as distinct sovereign communities, nre the
constituents. To them, ns members of the
federal Union, tho territories belong; nnd
they ore hence dcclnred to be territories be-
longing to the United States. Tho States,
then, nre the j lint owners. Now, it is con-
ceded by all writers on the subject, that in
all such governments their members are all
equal—equal in rights, nnd equal in digni-
ty. They also concede that this equality
constitutes the busis of such government,
and that it cannot be destroyed withoi'it
changing their nature nnd chnructcr. To
deprive, then, the Southern States and thoir
citizens uf their full share in territories de-
clared to belong to thom in common with
the other States, would bo in derogation of
tho equality belonging to them ns members
of a federal Union, nnd sink them, from be-
ing equals, intu a subordinate and depen-
dent cunditiun. Such urc the solid and im-
pregnublo grounds on which wo rest our
demand to nn equal participation in the ter-
ritories.
But as solid and impregnable as they are
in tho eyes of justice and renson, they op-
pose n feeble resistance to a majority de-
termined to engross the whule. At the last
session of Congress, a bill was passed esta-
blishing a territorial government for Ore-
gon, excluding slavery therefrom. The
President gave his sanction to tho bill nnd
sent a special messnge to Cungrcss assign-
ing his rensons tor duing so. These rea-
sons pro-supposed that tho Missuuri com-
promise was to be, nnd would be, extended
west of tho Rocky mountains to the Pacific
ocean. And tho President intimated his in-
tention in his message, to veto any future
bill that should restrict sluvcry south of the
line of that compromise. Assuming it to
have boon tho purpose and intention of the
North to extend the Missouri compromise
i ne as above indicated, tho passage of the
Oregon bill could only be regarded as ovine
ing the acquiescence of the South in that
line. B it tho dovolopements of the present
sefsion of Congress have made it manifest
to nil that no such purpose or intention now
exists with the North, to any considerable
extent. Of the truth of this* we have am'
pic evidence in what has occurred already
in the House of Representatives, where the
popular feelings nro soonest and most in-
tensely felt.
Although Congress hns been in session
but little more than one month, n grentcr
number of measures of an aggrassive char
ncter havo been introduced, and they more
aggravated and dangerous, than have been
for yonrs before. And wlint clearly dis-
closes whence they take their origin, is the
fact that they all relate to the territorial as
pect of tho subject of slavery, or some other
of a nature and charnctcr intimately con-
nected with it.
Tho first of this series of aggressions, is
n resolution introduced by a member from
Massachusetts, the object of which is to re
bouri applied to CongrcfF, in the usual form, to examine the question, so fully dii-cuised
peal all acts or parts of acts which recog-
nise the existence of slavery, or authorize
the selling and disposing of slaves in this
District. On question of leave to bring in
n bill, the votes stood 09 for and S3 against
leave. Tho nest was a resolution offered
by a member from Ohio, instructing the
Committee on Territories to repttt forth-
with bills lor excluding slavery from Cali-
fornia and Now Mexico.} It passed by n
vote of 107 to SO. That was followed by
a bill introduced by another member from
Ohio, to take tho vote* of the inhabitants of
this District on the question whether slave-
ry withiu its limits should be ahvibllied.
The bill provided, according to the ad-
mission of tho mover, that free negroes and
slaves should vote. On tbe question to lay
tho bill on the table, the votes Mood—for,
100; against, 79. To this succeeded the
resolutiun of a member from Nevt| York, in
the following words: ....tv
now ryW ^faufrU
metrópoli of iho republic in human being , an
challóla, ia contrary to natural juatioe and the
fundamental principio* of our political syaiem,
oad iu notoriously a rcproacli to our country,
throughoutChrUtendom, andaaurioiisliindranco
to the progress of republican liberty among tho
nations of thu earth. Therefore,
•'Resolved, That tho Committoo for tho Dis-
trict of Columbia bo inatructed to report a bill,
aasoou ns practicable, prohibiting thoslavotrado
ia soitl district."
On thu question of adopting the resolu-
tion, the vutcs stood 98 for, andSSagaiust.
lie was Jul lowed by a member from Illinois,
m
;; A
'Volunteers from tho Soutli-
-Rngiinents
flattnlion*
Companies
Totnl number of volunt. from the 8. 45,640
Volunteers from tho North—Regiments 22
Ilattnlions '1
Compnnios 12
Tot-il number of volunt. from tile ¡V. 23.0H4
lJeiog nrarlly two on iho part of tbe South to
one on the part of tho North. But taking into
consideration that the population of tho North
ia two-thirds greater than tho Houth, the latter
ha3 farnialieo moro than three tinier her due
proportion <>f volunteer .
who offered a resolution for abolishing slave-
ry in the territories, and all places where
Congress hns exclusive powers of legisla-
tion; that is, in all forts, inngaziues, arse-
nals, dock-yards, and othor needful build-
ings, purchased by Congress With the con-
sent of tho legislature of the State.
This resolution was passed over under
the rules of the House withuuB being put
to vote. J
Tho votes in favor of all these measures
were confined to the members from the nor-
thern Statos. True, there are some patri-
otic members from that sectiun who voted
against all of thorn, nnd whose high sense
of justico is duly nppreciated; who in the
irogrcss of the aggressions upon the South
tuve, by their votes, sustained the guaran-
tees of the constitution, and of whom we
regret to say many have been sncrificcd at
liornc by their patriotic courso.
We have now brought to a close a narra-
tive of the scries of acts of uggrcsBion nnd
eiicronchmcnt connected with the subject
uf this address, including those that aro con-
summated und those still in progress. They
aro numerous, grent, and dangerous, and
threaten with destruction the greatest and
most vital of all tho interests nnd institu-
tions of the Suuth. Indeed, it may be doubt-
ed whollicr there is a single provision, stip-
ulation, or guaranty of the constitution, in-
tended for the security of the South, that
has nut boon rendered almost nugatory. It
may oven be made a serious question, whe-
ther the encroachments already made, with-
out tho aid of any other, would not, if per-
mitted to operato unchecked, end in cman-
cipntion, and that at no distuut day. But
bo that as it may, it hardly admits of a
doubt that, if tho aggressions already com
tnenced in the House, and now in progress,
should bo consummated, such ill the end
would certninly be the censcqucncc
Little, in truth, would be left to he done
lifter we havo been excluded from all the
Territories, including those to he hereafter
ncquircd; after slavery is ubulished in this
District, nnd iu the numerous places dis-
persed nil over the South, where Congress
has tho exclusive right of legislation, nnd
alter thu other measures proposed are con
summated. Every outpost and bnrrier
would bu carried, and nothing would lie left
but to finish tho work of abolition at pleas
ure in the States themselves. This Dis-
trict, arid all places over which Cungrcss
has exclusive power of legislation, would bo
asylums for fugitive slaves, where, ns soon
as they placed their fcot, tlioy would be
come, according to the doctrines of our nor-
thern assailants, froo, unless there should
be somo positive enactments to prevent it
Under such u state of things, thu proba-
bility is. that emancipation would soon f>l
low, without any final act to abolish slave
ry. The depressing eflects of such mens
ures on the white race at the South, and
the hope they would create in tho black of
a speedy emancipation, would producc a
state of feeling inconsistent with the much
longer continuance of the existing relations
between tho two. But bo thit as it may
it is certain, ifcmnncipalioti did not fullow
as a matter of coursc, the final act in the
States would not bo long delayed. The
want of constitutional power would oppose
a feeble resistance. The great body of the
North is united against our pcculinr institu
tion. Many believe it to bo sinful, and the
residue, with inconsiderable exceptions, be
lieve it to be wrong. Such being the case
it would indicate a very superficial knowl
edgo ol human unturc, to think that, after
aiming at abolition systematically for so ma-
ny years, mid pursuing it with such unscru>
pulous disregard of law and constitution, the
fanatics win havo led tho wny and forced
tho groat ho ly of tho North to follow thorn
would, when the finishing stroke only re-
mained tu be given, voluntarily suspend it,
or permit any constitutional scruples or con-
siderations of justice to arrest it, Tothese
may bo added an nggression, though not
yet commenced, long inoditntod nnd thrcnt-
ened—to prohibit what the abolitionists call
tho internal slnve trade, moaning thereby
the trunsfer of slaves from ono State toon-
other, from whatever motivo done, or how-
ever effected. Their objoct would seoin to
bo to render them worthless, hy crowding
them together where thov are, and thus
hasten tho work of emancipation. There
is reason for holieving that it will soon ful-
low thoso now in progress, unless, indeed,
some decisive step should be tuken in tho
mean limo to arrest tho whole.
Tho question then is, will the measures
of nggression proposed in the House bo n-
dop led?
t.^inee r< potted to the iloui-e.
They may not, snd.f
this session*. But. "
sideration that thd
favor of one of them, an .
in favor ü¡ the other,, as I
the House has beeii.1
be In all probability a
in the next Congress i
them, and that it will be
in the next succeeding Cong
census tu be taken next ye#,
almost to a certainty that they
dopted, unless aomé docisive t
en in advance to prevent it. ,
But, if even these conduaiom a
prove erroneous—if fanaticism nnd the I
of power should, contraty to their nat
for oneo respect constitutional barriers,,
the calculations of policy should retaid I
adoption of theae measures, or even defeat
them altogether, there would be
one Certain way to accomplish their i
monopolizo all the territories, to the exclu-
sion of the South, should be carried iuto ef-
fect. That of itself would, at no distant
dny, add to the North a sufficient number
of States to give her three-fourths of the
whole; when, under the color of on amend
ment of the constitution, she would emanci-
pate our slaves, however opposed it might
lie to its true intent.
Thus, undpr every aspect, the result is
certnin, if aggression be not promptly .and
decidedly motf How it is to be met, it ia
for you to deckfei
Such, then, wing the case, it would be
to insult you to shiposo you could hesitate;
To destroy tho sutiug relation between
tho free and servileraces at tho South would
lead to consequences unparalleled in histo-
ry. They cannut be soparated, and cannot
live together in peace or harmony, or to
thoir mutual advantage, except in their
preseut relation. Under any other, wretch-
edness, and misery, and desolation would
overspread the whole South. Tho example
of the British West Indies, as blighting as
emancipation has proved to them, furnishes
a very faint picture of tho calamities it
would bring on tho South. The circum-
stances under which it would tako placo
with us would bo entirely different from
thoso which took placo with them, and cal-
culated to lead to lar more disastrous results.
There, tho government of the parent coun-
try emancipated slavos in her colonial pos-
sessions—a government rich and powerful,
and actuated by views of policy, (mistaken
as they turned out to be,) rather than fana-
ticism. It was, besides, disposed to act just-
ly towards the owners, even in the act of
emancipating their slaves, and to protect
and foster them afterwards. It according-
ly appropriated nearly $100,000,000 as a
compensation to them for their losses undor
the act, which sum, although it turned out
to be far short of the amount, was thought
at that time to be liberal. Since tho eman-
cipation, it has kept up a sufficient military
and noval force to keep tho blacks in awe,
nnd a number of magistrates, and consta-
bles, and other civil officers, to kocp enter
in the towns nnd plantations, and enforce
respect to tlicir former owners. To a con-
siderable extent, theso have served as a sub-
stitute for the police formerly kept on tho
plantations by tho owners ond their over-
seers, nnd to presorve the sociul and politi-
cal superiority of tho white race. But, not-
withstanding all this, the British West In-
dia possessions aro ruined, impoverished,
miserable, wretched, and destined probably
to bo abandoned tu tho black ruco. Very
different would be the ciscutnstunces under
which emancipation would take place with
us. If it over should lie effected, it will bo
through the agency of tho federal govern-
ment, controlled by the dominant puwerof
the Northern Statos of tho confederacy, n-
gainst tho resistance and struggle of tho
Southern.
It can then only bo effected by the pros-
tration of the white race; nnd that would
necessarily engender the bitterest fellings
of hostility between them nnd tho North.
But tho reverse would be the case between
tho blacks of the Suuth and the peo; lo of
the North. Owing their emancipation to
them, they would regard them as friends,
guardians, and patruns, nnd centre, accord-
ingly, all their sympathy in them. Tho
people of tho North would not fail to reci-
prócate and to favor them, instend of tho
whites. Under the influcnco of such feel-
ings, and unpolled by fanaticism nnd lovo
of power, they would not «top at emancipa-
tion. Another step would be taken—to
raise them to a political and social equality
with thoir formor owners, by giving them
the right of voting und holding public offi-
ces under the federal government. We see
the first step towards it in the bill already
alluded to—to vest the free blacks and
slaves with the right to vote on the question
of emancipation in this District. But when
once raised to nn equality, they would be-
come tho fast political associates of tho
North, acting nnd voting with'them on all
questions, nnd by this political union be-
tween them, holding tho white rnco at tho
South in complete subjection. The blacks,
and the profligate wlutos that might unito
with them, would becamo tho principal re-
cipients of federal offices and patronage, and
would, in consequence, be raised above tho
whites of the South in tho political and so-
cial seole. Wo would, in a word, chango
conditions with them—a degradation great-
er than hns ever yet fallen lo the lot of a
free and enlightened people, and one from
which we could not escape, should emanci-
pation take place, (which it certainly wVI
if net prevented,) but by fleeing tho huMP"
of ourselves and ancestors, and by abandon-
ing our country to our former slaves, to be-
come thn permanent abode of disorder, •-
nnrehv, poverty, misery,and wretchedness.
With such a prospect befhro us, tho grav-
est and most solemn question that ever
claimed tho attention of a people is present-
ed for your consideration! What in to bo
done to prevent it ? It Is a question belongr
ing to you to dooido. All wo pru|iot>o is tit
give you our opinion,
| We, then, nre nf tho opinion that the first
i And indisputable stop without which «o-
...««Mat *. • .... .rfi .. '.., •! ,1,
J3S
f H*
. ('. :•/' • i M,
u
ijw .•>;
W S
\
# 1
■ i
tilers, f
ffoustou
1
ifl
BPS$ M
'■>' X .
^ -v
■ ?
■i i
ttafHtMrMi -~*f. V-i ;
■ tps i> - wÉ
S
Upcoming Pages
Here’s what’s next.
Search Inside
This issue can be searched. Note: Results may vary based on the legibility of text within the document.
Tools / Downloads
Get a copy of this page or view the extracted text.
Citing and Sharing
Basic information for referencing this web page. We also provide extended guidance on usage rights, references, copying or embedding.
Reference the current page of this Newspaper.
The Texian Advocate. (Victoria, Tex.), Vol. 3, No. 44, Ed. 1 Friday, March 2, 1849, newspaper, March 2, 1849; Victoria, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth180345/m1/1/: accessed April 23, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.